On the CAUSES of the







AUTHOR of the PERSIAN LETTERS . Translated from the FRENCH,


Printed for W. INNYS and R. MANBY, at the Weft End of St. Paul's; C. DAVIS in Pater-Noster-Row; and A. LYON in Russel-Street, Covent-Garden. MDCCXXXIV.



THE Infancy of Rome. 2. The Wars it sustain'd. Page 1

CHAP. II. Of the Science of War as practised by the Romans. 13

CHAP. III. The Methods by which the Romans rais'd themselves to Empire. 20

CHAP. IV. 1. Of the Gauls. 2. Of Pyrrhus. 3. Parallel between Carthage and Rome. 4. The War of Hannibal. 23

CHAP. V. The State of Greece, of Macedonia, of Syria and of Egypt, after the Depression of Carthage. 39

CHAP. VI. The Conduct which the Romans observ'd, in order to subdue all Nations.

54 CHAP. VII. How it was possible for Mithri-

dates to resist the Romans. 71

CHAP. VIII. Of the Divisions which always

subsisted in the City. 75

CHAP. IX. Two Causes which destroyed

Rome. 85

CHAP. X. Of the Corruption of the Romans.


CHAP. XL Of Sylla, Pompey and Cæsar.

98 CHAP. XII. Observations on the State of

Rome after the Death of Cæsar. 116 CHAP. XIII. Augustus. 125

CHAP. XIV. Tiberius. 138

CHAP. XV. Remarks on the Emperors from

Gaius Caligula to Antoninus. 146

CHAP. XVI. Considerations on the State of

the Empire from Antoninus to Probus.


CHAP. XVII. Changes in the State. 176

CHAP. XVIII. An Account of some new Maxims received by the Romans. 189

CHAP. XIX. Some Particulars of the Grandeur of Attila, The Establishment of the Barbarians accounted for. Reasons why the Western Empire was overturned before that in the East. 199

CHAP. XX. 1. The Conquests of Justinian. 2. Some Account of his Government. 211

CHAP. XXI. Disorders in the Eastern Empire. 226

CHAP. XXII. The Weakness of the Eastern

Empire. 234.

CHAP. XXIII. 1. The Duration of the Eastern Empire accounted for. 2. Its Destruction. 254.


On the CAUSES of the







1. The Infancy of Rome. 2. The Wars it


WE must not form to our selves an Idea of the City of Rome, in its Infancy, from the Cities which exist at this Time, unless we have in View those of the Crim Tartars, built for the stowing and securing of Plunder, Cattle, Fruits, and other Produce of

the Country. The antient Names of the chief Places in Rome, are all relative to this


The City was even without Streets, unless we will give this Name to the Continuation of Roads which centered in it. The Houses were straggling, built after an irregular Manner, and very small; for the Inhabitants being always either at their Work, or in the publick Square, were very seldom at home.

ROMULUS, and his Successors, were engag'd in almost perpetual Wars with their Neighbours, to increase the Number of their Citizens, their Women and their Territories. They us'd to return to the City, loaded with the Spoils of conquer'd Nations; and these Spoils, which consisted of Wheat-Sheaves and Flocks, us'd to fill 'em with the greatest Joy. Such is the Origin of Triumphs, to which that City, afterwards, chiefly ow'd its Grandeur.

The Strength of the Romans was greatly increas'd by their Union with the Sabines, a stubborn, warlike People, resembling the

Lacedæmonians from whom they sprung.

Romulus a copied the Form of their Shields, which were large, and us'd 'em ever after-

wards instead of the small Buckler of Argos:

a Plutarch's Life of Romulus.

And 'tis to be observ'd, that the Circumstance which chiefly raised the Romans to the Sovereignty of the World, was, their laying aside their own Customs as soon as they met with better among the People they conquer'd; and 'tis well known that they fought successively against all Nations.

The Reign of NUMA, being long and pacific, was very well adapted to leave the Romans in their humble Condition; and had their Territory in that Age been less confin'd, and their Power greater, 'tis probable their Fortune would have been fix'd for ever.

SEXTUS the Son of TARQUIN, by violating the Chastity of LUCRETIA, committed a Crime which has generally drove Tyrants from the Cities they presided over; for when once a People are made strongly sensible, by the Commission of so enormous a Crime, of the Slavery to which they are reduc'd, they immediately form a desperate Resolution.

A People may suffer, without murmuring, the imposing of new Tributes, since they are not certain but that some Advantage may accrue to themselves, from the Disposal of the Monies so levied: But when an Insult is put upon them, they are affected with their Misfortune only; and this they

aggravate, by affixing to it the Idea of all the Calamities which can possibly happen.

It must however be confess'd, that the Death of Lucretia, did no more than occasion, accidentally, the Revolution which happened; for a haughty, enterprizing, bold People, confin'd within Walls, must necessarily either shake off the Yoke, or soften the Asperity of their Manners.

From the Situation of Things at that time, this was the Result; Either that Rome should change the Form of its Government, or continue for ever a small, poor Monarchy.

Modern History furnishes us with a very remarkable Example of what happened at that time in Rome; for as Men have been sensible to the same Passions in all Ages, the Occasions which give Rise to great Revolutions, are various, but the Causes are for ever the same.

As HENRY VII of England increas'd the Power of the Commons, merely to humble the Nobility; so SERVIUS TULLIUS enlarged the Privileges of the People, in order to depress the Senate; but the People growing afterwards bolder, ruin'd each of the Monarchies under which they liv'd.

No flattering Colours have been employ'd, in the Picture which is left us of TARQUIN; his Name has not escap'd any of the Orators who declaimed against Tyranny; but his Conduct before his Calamities, which 'tis evident he foresaw; his Gen-

tleness and Humanity towards the Conquer'd, his Beneficence to the Soldiers, the Arts by which he engaged such Numbers to endeavour at his Preservation, the Edifices he rais'd for the publick Use, his Courage in the Field, the Constancy and Patience with which he bore his Misfortunes, a Twenty Years War he either carried on, or caus'd to be carried on against the Romans^ tho' depriv'd of his Kingdom, and very poor; these Things, and the Resources he perpetually found, prove manifestly, that he was no'contemptible Person.

The Rank or Place which Posteriry beilows, is subjecl:, as all others are, to the Whim and Caprice of Fortune: Woe to the Reputation of that Monarch who is oppressed by a Party which after becomes the prevailing one; or who has endeavour'd to destroy a Prepossession that survives him.

The Romans, after having banish'd their Kings, appointed Consuls annually, a Circumstance which contributed to raise *em to so exalted a Pitch. In the Lives of all Princes there are certain Periods of Ambition, and these are afterwards succeeded by other Passions, and even by Indolence; but the Commonwealth being govern'd by Magistrates who were changed every Year, and who endeavour'd to signalize themselves in their Employment, in the View of obtaining new ones, Ambition had not a Moment to losc.

Hence it was that these Magistrates were ever persuading the Senate to stir up the People 10 War, and ppinted out to Jem new Enemies every Day.

This Body (the Senate) was inclin'd enotigh to do this of their own Accord; for, being quite tir'd of the Complaints and Demands of the People, they endeavour'd to remove the Occasion of their Disquiet, and to employ them in foreign Wars.

Now the common People were generally 'pleas'd with War, because a Method had been found to make it beneficial to 'em, by the judicious Distribution that was made of the Spoils.

Rome being a City in which neither Trade nor Arts flouriihed, the several Individuals had no other Way of enriching themselvcs, but by Rapine.

An Order and Discipline was therefore established in the Way and Manner of pillaging, and this was pretty near the same with that now praftised among the Inhabitants of Lejsir fartary*.

The Plunder was laid together, and afterwards distributed among the Soldiers ^ not even the minutest Article was lost, because every Man, before he set out, swore not to emoezzle any thing ^ besides that the Romans 'were, of all Nations, the most re-

b See Polybius, Book X.

ligious Observers of-Oaths, these being consider'd as the Sinews of their Military Disciplinc.

In fine, those Citizens who staid at home, shar'd also in the Fruits of the Vi&ory; for part of the conquer'd Lands was confiscated, and this was lubdividcd into two Portions, one of which was sold for the Benefit of the Publick, and the other divided by the Commonwealth, among such .Citizens as were but in poor Circumstances, upon Condition of their paying a small Acknowledgment.

As the Coniuls had no other Way of obtaining the Honour of a Triumph, than by . a Conquest or a Vidlory, rhis made 'em ruih into the Field with unparallel'd Impetuosity ; they march'd directly to the Enemy, when Force immediately decided the Contest,

Rome was therefore engag'd in an eternal, and ever-obllinate War: Now, a Nation that is always c at War, and that too from the very Frame and Esience of its Government, mud necessarily be destroy'd, or subdue all other Nations; for, these being sometimes at War, and at other times in Peace, could never be so able to invade others, nor so well prepared to defend them lei ves.

c The "Romani consider'J Foreigners as Enemies: H'jjli?, according to 1'iirro dc L'nvua Lat. lib. 4. significd ;H firil a Foreigner who liv\i iccording to his own Laws.

By this means the Romans attained a perfect Knowledge'in the Military Arts: In transient Wars molt of the Examples are lost; Peace suggests different Ideas, and we forget not only our Faults but even Virtues.

Another Consequence of the Maxim of waging perpetual War, was, that the Romans never concluded a Peace but when they were victorious; and indeed, to what Purpole would it be to make an ignominious Pence with one Nation, and afterwards go .ind invade another?

In this View, their Pretensions rose always in proportion to their Defeat; by this fhcy surpnVd the Conquerors, and laid themselves under a greater Necessity of conquering.

Being for ever obnoxious to the most severe Vengeance -, Perseverance and Valour became necessary Virtues: And these could not be distinguish'd, among them, from Self-Love, from the Love of one's Family, of one's Country, and of whatever is deareit among Men.

The same had happened to Italy^ which befel America in late Ages ; the Natives of the former, quite helpless and dispers'd up and down, having resign'd their Habitations

^^ ^t 1 T~%

to new Comers, it was afterwards Peopled by three different Nations, the "Tus-

cans, d the Gauls and the Greeks. The Gauls had no Manner of Relation or Affinity either with the Greeks or Tuscans; the latter form'd a Society which had its peculiar Language, Customs and Morals; and the Grecian Colonies, who desended from different Nations that were often at Variance, had pretty separate Interests.

The World in that Age was not like the World in ours: Voyages, Conquest, Traffick j the Establilhment of mighty States; the Invention of Post-Offices, of the Sea-Compass, and of Printing> these, with a certain general Pdity, have made Correspondence much easier, and given Rise, atnong us, to an Art, calPd by the Name of, Politicks: Every Man sees at one Glance whatever is transacting in the whole Universe ; and if a People discover but ever so little Ambition, all the Nations round 'em are immediately terrified.

The People of Italy had c none of those Engines which were employ'd in Sieges: And further, as the Soldiers were not allow'd any Stipend, there was no Possibility of keeping them long before a Town or Fdr-


d 'Tis not known whether they were originally of that Country, or only a Colony; .butDiott.IJa/tfarnassem is of the former Opinion. Lib. i>

c D, llalicarnajs. declares so expressly, Lib. 9. and this appears by History: They us'ci to attempt the Sealado of Cities with Ladders.

tress: Hence it was, that few of their Wars were decisive: These fought from no other Motive, but merely to plunder the Enemy's Camp or his Lands ; after which both the Conqueror and the Conquered march'd back to their respective Cities. This Circumstance gave Rise to the strong Resinance which the People of'Italy made, and at the same time to the inflexible Resolution the Romans form'd to subdue 'em ; this favour'd the latter with Victories which no way deprav'd their Morals, and left them in their original Poverty.

Had the Romans made a rapid Conquest of the neighbouring Cities, they would have been ;n a declining Condition at the Arrival of Pyrrhus, of the Gauls and of Hannibal; and by a Fate common to most Governments in the World, they would have made too quick a Transition from Poverty to Riches, and from Riches to Depravity^

But Rome, for ever struggling, arid "ever meeting with Obstacles, made other Nations tremble at its Power, and at the lame time was unable to extend it; and exercised in a very narrow Compass of Ground, a Train of Virtues that were to prove of the most fatal Consequence to the Universe.

All the, People of Italy were not equally warlike: Those who inhabited the eastern Part, as the 'Tarentines and the Papuans ; all the Cities of Campania, and of Gratia Ma-

jor, were quite immcrs'd in Indolence and in Pleasures; but the Latins* the Hernia^ the Sabines^ the jEqui and the Volsdans were passionately fond of War: These Nations lay round Rome\ the Resi(lance they made to that City wis incredible, and they surpass'd them in S:ubborness and Inflexibility.

The Latin Cities sprung from Allan Colonies, which were founded f by LATINUS SYLVIUS: Besules their common Extraction with the Romans, there were several Rites and Ceremonies common to both; and SERviusTi'LLius hads engag'd them to build

a Temple in Rome* to serve as the Center of Union of the Two Nations. Losing a Battle near the Lake Regillus, they were subjecled to an Alliance, and forc'd to associate in the h Wars which the Romans wagM

'Twas manifestly seen, during the short Time that the Tyranny of the Decemvirs lasted, how much the aggrandizing of Rome depended on its Liberty. The Government seem'd to have lost the ' Soul which animated even to the minuted Part of it.

f As appears from the Treatise entitled Origo Ggntis

Romatitf, ascribed to Aurelius fitter.

g />. Ha/icarnass.

h See in D. Halicarnajs. Lib. 6. one of the Treaties concluded with ihis People.

* These Dec?m-:>iri, upon- Pretence of giving written Laws to the People, seiVd upon the Government. See D. Hatictirnass. Lib. 11.

There remain'd at that Time but Two Sorts of People in the City, those who submitted to Slavery, and those who, for their own private Interest, endeavour'd to enslave the rest. The Senators withdrew from Rome as from a foreign City; and the neighbouring Nations did not meet with the least Resishince from any Quarter.

The Senate having found Means to give the Soldiers a regular Stipend, the Siege of Veil was undertaken, which Jailed ten Years. But now a new Art, and a new System of War, were seen to arise among the Romans; their SuccerTes were more signal and conspicu'ous; they1 made a better Advantage of their Viftories; their Conquests were greater-, they sent out more Colonies j in fine, the taking of K'« prov'd a Kind of Revolution.

Bi;t all this did not lesien their Toils: If, on one Side, they attacked with greater Vigour the ^TuscanS) the JEqin, and the VolJcians; fbr this very Reason they were abancfcn'd by the Latins and the Hernici their A.1lie.0, who were arm'd after the same Manner, and observ'd the sume Disciplinc with thrmselyes; tlvisengag-M the Tuscans to form new Alliances; and prompted the Samnites, the most martial People of all Italy^ to involve em in a furiotw War.

The taking of Rome by the Gauls did no way lessen its Strengths almost the whole

Army, which was dispers'd rather than overcome, withdrew to Veil -, the People shelter'd themselves in the adjacent Cities; and the Burning of Rome was no more than the setting fire to a few Cottages of Shepherds.


Of the Science of War as praElised by the


AS the .Rotoam devoted themselves entirely to War, and consider'd it as the only Science, they therefore bent all *their Thoughts, and the Genius with which they were inform'd, to the Improvement of it:: Doubtless a God, says a Vegetiu^ inspired them with the Idea of the Legion.

They judged that it would be necessary to arm the Soldiers who compos'd the Legion with Weapons, whether offensive or defensive, ot a ilronger and b heavier Kind than those of any other Nation.

But as some Things must be done in War, which a heavy Body is not able to execute,

� L. 2. Cap. i;.

b See in Polybius, and in Josipbus, de Bello Judaito, Lib. 2. a Description of the Arms of die Roman Soldiers. There is. but little Difference, says the latter, between a Roman Soldier and a loaded Horse.

the Romans would have the Legion include within it sclf a" Band of light Forces, which might issue from it in order to provoke the Enemy to Battle, or draw back into it in case of Necessity * they alib would have this Legion strengthen'd with Cavalry, with Spearmen and Slingers, to pursue those who fled, and complete the Victory ; that it should be defended by military Engines of every Kind, which it drew after it; that every Evening this Body should entrench it self, and be, as Vegetius c observes, a kind of Strong-hold.

But that the Roman Soldiers might be able to carry heavier Arms than other Men, it was necessary they should become more than Men j and this they became by perpetual Labour which increas'd their Vigour, and by Exercises that gave them an Activity, which is no more than a just Distribution of the Strength we are invigorated with.

'Tis observ'd in this Age, that the d immoderate Labour which Soldiers are oblig'd to undergo,-destroys our Armies -, and yet 'twas by 'incredible Labour that the Romans p-esrrv'd thfmselves. The Reason I take to be this ; Their Toils were continual and uninterrupted, whereas our Soldiers are ever shifcing from the Extremes of Labour

r Lib. 2. Cap. 25.

d Particularly the throwing up of the Ground,

to the Extremes of Idleness, than which nothing can possibly be more destru<5bive.

I must here take notice of what Authors e relate concerning the training up of the Roman Soldiery. They were inur'd to the military Pace, that is, to walk twenty Miles, and sometimes four and twenty, in five Hours. During these Marches, they carried Burthens of threescore Pound Weight; they habituated themselves to running and leaping, arm'd Cap-a-pee* in their f Exercises they made use of Swords, Javelins and Arrows, double the Weight of common Weapons; and these Exercises were carried on without Interrriisiion.

The Camp was not the only military School �> there being, in Rome, a Place m which the Citizens us'd to perform Exercises ('twas the Campus Martins): After their Fatigues g they plung'd into the Sjyfor, to accustom themselves to swimming, and cleanse away the Dust and Sweat.

e See in Vegetiui Lib. I. and in Livy, Lip. XXVI. the Exerciscs which Scipio Africanus made the Soldiers per-, form after the taking of Carthago Nova. Marius us'd to go every Day to the Campus Martius, even in his extreme old Age. Twos customary for Pompey, when 58 Years of Age, to arm himlclf Cap-a-pee, and engage in smgle Combat with the Roman Youths He us'd to exercile himself in Riding, when he would run with the swi ft cit Career, and hurl the Javelin. Plutarch in the1 Lives of Miiriiti and Potupey.

t I'evctius Lib. 1. � B Idem ibid.

Whenever the Romans thought themselves cxpos'd to any Danger, or were desirous of repairing some Loss, 'twas a constan t Practice among 'em to invigorate and give new Life to their military Disciuline. Are they engag'd in a War with the Latines, a People no less martial than themselves? MANLIUS reflects upon the best Methods of strengthning the Command in the Field, and puts to Death his own Son, for conquering without his Orders. Are they defeated before Numantia ? So IP r o JEM 11.1 ANUS immediately removes the several BLmdiihments, which had enervated them. Have the-Roman Legions pa st under the Yoke at Nwnidia? METELLUS wipes away theirJgnominyr the Instant he has"-obliged ?em to resume then* ancient Institutions. M A K. i us, that he may be enabled to vanquim the CimIri and theFeutones, begins by diverting the Course ofh Rivers; and SYLLA employs in such hard Labour, his Soldiers, who were terrified at the War which was carrying aga-inst Mit'bridates, that they sue for Battle, to put an End to their Hardmips.

PUBLI.US NASICA. made the Romans build a Fleet of Ships, at a Time when they had no Occasion for such a Force: Thele People dreaded IdJeness more than an F,~ nemy.

h Front in. Stratagem* Li If. I. Cap* 11.

In the Battles fought in our Age, every single Soldier has very little Security and Confidence except in the Multitude; but among the Romans, every Individual, more robust and of greater Experience in War, as well as more inur'd to the Fatigues of it, than his Enemy, relied upon himself only. He was naturally endued with Courage, or in other Words, with that Virtue which a Senlibility of our own Strength inspires.

Thele Men thus, inur'd were generally healthy and vigorous: We don't find by Historians, that the Roman Armies, which wag'd War in so great a Variety of Cli- , mates, fell often a Prey to Diseases; whereas in the present Age we daily see Armies, without once engaging, perish. and melt away, if I may use the Expression, in a single Campaign.

Desertions are very frequent among us for this Reason, because the Soldiers are the Dregs of every Nation, and not one of them possesses, or thinks himself possess'd of, a certain Advantage which gives him a Superiority over his Comrades. But among the Romans they were less frequent-, it being scarce postlble that Soldiers, rais'd from among a People naturally so haughty and imperious, and so lure of commanding over others, should demean thcmselves to such a Degree, as to ccascj to be Romans.

As their Armies were not great, they were easily stlbsisted: The Commander had a better Opportunity of knowing the several Individuals; and could more easify perceive the various Faults and Misdemeanours committed by the Soldiery.

As no Troops in the World were, in any Age, sb well disciplin'd, 'twas hardly possible that in a Battle, how unfortunate soever, but seme Romans rnust rally in one part or other of it; or on the other Side, but that the Enemy must be defeated in some part of the Field : And, indeed, we find every where in History, that whenever the Romans happen'd to be overpowered at the Beginning,' either by Numbers, or the Ficrcencls of the Onset, they at lad wrested the Lawrel out of the Enemy's Hand.

Their chief Care was to examine, in what Particular their Enemies had an Advantage over them, and when this was found, they immediately rectified it. The cutting Swords 1 of the Gauls, and the Elephants of Pyrrhus intimidated them but once. They strengthen'd their Cavalry, k first, by taking the Bridies from the Horses; that their Impe-

* The Romani usM to prcsent their Javelin*, when the Gauls {truck at them with their Swords, and by that ir.cans blunted them.

* At the Time thit they wzirr'd against the Icsscr Nations of ///?/}', their Horse was superior \j that of their Kncmie<, and HA ihL RAMUM, the Cuv.ilry were com-

tuosity might be boundless, and afterwards by intermixing them with Velites ': They baffled all the Art of the most experienc'd Pilots, by the Invention of an Engine which is dcscrib'd by Polybius. In fine, as Josephvs oblerves m, War was a Subject of Meditation to the Romans, and Peace an Exer<_ise.

If any Nation boasted, either from Nature or its Institution, any peculiar Advantage, the Romans immediately made use of it : They employ'd their utmost Endeavours to procure Horses from Numidia9 Bowmen from Crete, Slingers from the, and Ships from the Rhodians.

To conclude, no Nation in the World ever prepar'd for War with so much Wisdom, and carried it on with so much Intrepidity.

posM of none but the ablest bodied Men, and the most considerable among the Citizens, each of" whom had a Horse maintain'd at the publick Expence. When they alighted, no Infantry was more formidable, and they very often turn'd the Scale of Vidory.

1 These were young Men lightly arm'd, and the most nimble of all the Legion. At the Icast Signal that wa> given, they wou'd either leap behind a Horscman, or fight on Foot. Valerius Maximum Lib. II. Livy, Lib. XXVI.

De ttello Jutaico, Lib. II.


The Methods bv which the ROMANS rals'cl


tbemselves to Empire.

AS the People of Europe, in this Age, have very near the same Arts, the jame Arms, the same Discipline, and the same Manner of making War -, the prodigious Fortune to which the Romans a.ttzm\\) seems incredible to us. Besides, Power is at this time divided so disproportionably, that 'tis not possible for a petty State to raise it .self, rnerejy by its own Strength, from the low Condition in which Providence has plac'd it.

This merits some Reflections, otherwise we might behold several Events without being able to account for them ; and for want of having a, perfect Idea of the different Situation of Things, we should believe, in perusing antient History, that we view a Sett of Men different from our selves.

Experience has shewn perpetually, that an European Prince who has a Million of Subjects, -cannot, without destroying himself, keep up and maintain above Ten thousand Soldiers; consequently, great Nations only are possess'd of Armies.

But the Case was different antiently with regard to Commonwealths: For this Pro-

portion between the Soldiers and the rest of the People, which is now as One to an Hundred , might, in thole Times, be, pretty near, as One is to Eight.

The Founders of ancient Commonhealths had made an equal Distribution of ^he Lands : This Circumstance alone rais'cl a Nation to Power-, that is to say, made it a well-regulated Society: This also gave Strength to its Armies-, it being equally the Interest (and this too was very great ) of every Individual, to exert himself in Defence of his Country.

When Laws were not executed in their full Rigour, Affairs raturn'd back to the same Point in which we now see 'em: The; Avariceof some particular Persons, and the Livisb Profuseneis of others, occasion'd the Lands to become the Property of a Few; jmrnediately Arts were introduced to supply the reciprocal Wants of the Rich and Poor; by which Meads there were but very few Soldiers or Citizens seen; for the Revenues of the Lands that had before been employ *d to support the latter, were now beitqw'd wholly on Slaves and Artificers, who admimstred to the Luxury of the new Proprietors-, for otherwisc the Government, which, how licentious soever it be, mult exist, would have been destroy'd: And 'twas impossible that People of this Cast should be good Soldiers, they being cowardly and abjeft; al-

ready corrupted by the Luxury of Cities, and often by the very Art they prosess'd ; not to mention^ that as they could not properly call any Country their own, and reap'd the Fruits of their Industry in every Clime, they had very Iktle either to lose or keep.

a Agis and Cleomenes observing, that in(lead of Thirty thousand Citizens, (for so many were at Sparta in Lycurgus's Time) there were but Seven hundred, scarce a hundred of whom were posiess'd of Lands ; and that all the rest were no more than a cowardly Populace j they undertook to revive the Laws enacted on this Occasion ; and from that jPeriod Lacedcsmoma recover'd its former Power, and again became formidable to all the Greeks.

'Twas the equal Distribution of Lands that at first enabled Rome to soar above its humble Condition; and this the Remans were strongly iensib'le of in their corrupted State.

This Commonwealth was confin'd to narrowBounds, when the Latins, having refus'd to succour them with the Troops which had beenb stipulatcd, Ten Legions were presently rais'd in the City only: Scarce at this time, says Livy, Rome, wnom the whole Universe is not able to contain, could levy such a *

a Sec Plutarch'* Life rfC/e emeries.

b Livy i l)fc,id. L. VII. Tliis WJB some time after the taking of Rorr;ry under the Consulship of L. Furius Camillus, and App. Claudius Grajsus.

Force, were an Enemy to appear suddenly under its Walls; a sure Indication that we have not rose in Power, and have only increas'd the Luxury and Wealth which incommode us.

Tell me, would TIBERIUS GRACCHUS siy c to the Nobles, which is the most valuable Character, that of a Citizen or of a perpetual Slave ? Who is molt useful, a Soldier, or a Man entirely unfit for War? Will you, merely for the sake of enjoying .a few more Acres of Land than the rest of the Citizens, quite lay aside the Hopes of conquering the rest of the World, or be expos'd to see your selves ciispossess'd by the Enemy of those very Lands which you re1'use us?


j. Of the Gauls. 2. Of Pyrrhus. 3. Parallel between Carthage and Rome. 4. *Thc War of Hannibal.

'"Tp H E Romans were engag'd in ^several 1 Wars against the Gauls: A Thirst of Glory, a Contempt of Death, and an inflexible Resolution of Conquering, were equal in both Nations, but the Weapons they us'd were different *, the Bucklers of

c Appian*.

the latter were sinal 1, and their Swords unfit for Execution j and indeed, the Gauh were cut to Pieces by the Romans, much after the same Manner as the Mexicans, in these latter Ages, by the Spaniards ; and a surpriing Circumstance is, that tho' these People were combatting perpetually with the Romans, they yet sufter'd themselves to be dcstroy'd one after another, without their ever being scnsible of, enquiring after, or obviating the Cause of their Calamities.

Pv K RHUS invaded the Romans at a time when they were rtrong enough to oppose the Power of his Arms, and to be taught by the Vi&ories he obtained over 'em: From him they learnt to intrench themselves, as also the Choice and proper Disposition of a Camp : tie accustom'd them to Elephants, and prcpar'd 'em for mightier Wars.

The Grandeur of Pyrrhus was coniin'd merely to his personal Qualities. Plutarch 11 informs us, that he was oblig'd to begin the War of Macedonia, from his Inability to maintain any longer the Six thouiand Foot, and Five hundred Horse in his Service. This Prince, Sovereign of a small Country which has never made the least Figure since his Time, was a military Rambler, who was continually forming new Enterprises, because he could *not subsist but by Enterprizing.

8 In' his Life of Pyrrhus.

As the CART HAG i NT i ANS grew wealthy sooner than the Romans, so they were sooner corrupted : Thus whilst at Rome, public Employments were made the Reward of Virtue only, and no other'Emolument accrued from them than Honour, and a Preference in Toils; at Carthage^ the several Advantages which the Public can bestow on particular Persons were venal, and every Service done by such Persons was there paid by the Public.

A Monarchy is not dragged nearer to the Brink of Ruin, by the Tyranny of a Prince, than a Commonwealth, by a Lukewarmnest and Indifference for the'general Good. The Advantage of a free State is, to have its Revenues employ'd to better Purposes, but where the Reverse of this happens! The Advantage of a free State is, to be free from Favourites *, but when the contrary is seen! and that instead of the Friends and Relations of a Prince, great Fortunes must be amass'd for the Friends and Relations of all Persons who have any Share in the Government ; in this Case an universal Ruin rnust ensue; the Laws are then eluded more dangerously, than they are infringed by a Sove. reign Prince, who being always the greatest Citizen in the State, is most concern'd to labour at its Preservation.

By the constant Practice of ancient Gti-* stoms and Manners, and a peculiar Use that

was made of Poverty, the Fortunes of al' the People in Rome"were very near upon a Level -, but in Carthage, some particular Persons boasted the Wealth of Kings.

The two prevailing Faftions in Carthage were so divided, that the one was always for* Peace, and the other always for War; by which Means it was imposslble for that City, either to enjoy the one, or engage in the other to Advantage.

In Rome, b War immediately united the several Intereits, but in Carthage it divided them still more.

In a Monarchy, Feuds and Divisions are easily quieted, because the Prince is invested with a coercive Power to curb both'Parties; but they are more lasting in a Commonwealth, because the Evil generally seizes the very Power which only could have wrought a Cure.

In Rome? which was governed by Laws, the People entrusted the Senate with the Management of Affairs; but in Carthage,

b Hannibars Pretence put an End to all the Feuds and Divisions which tijl then prevailed among the Ro~ mans; but the Presence of Scipio irritated those which already subsisted among the Carthaginians, and lhackled, as it were, the Strength of the City; for the common People now grew diffident of the Generals, the Senate, and the Great Men, and this made the People more furious. dppian has given us the Hillory of this War, carried, 01} by the First Scipit.

which was governed by Fraud and Dissbluteness, the People would themselves transaft all things.

Carthage, in warring with all its Riches against the Poverty of Rome, had a Disadvantage in this very Circumstance; for Gold and Silver may be exhausted, but Virtue, Pcrseverance, Strength and Poverty are inexhaustible.

The Romans were ambitious thro* Pride, and the Carthaginians thro* Avarice; the former would command, the latter amass; and these, whose Minds were wholly turn'd to Traffick, perpetually casting up their Income and Expences, never engag*d i# any War from Inclination.

The Loss of Battles, the Decrease of a People, the Decay of Trade, the Consumj>tion of the publick Treasure, the Insiirre* ftion of neighbouring Nations, might force the Carthaginians to submit to the severest Terms of Peace: RutRome was not sway'dby the Consideration of Blessings or Calamities, being determin'd by no other Motive but its Glory ; and as the Romans were persua* ded they could not exist without commanding over others, neither Hopes or Fears of any kind, could prevail with them to con* elude a Peace, the Conditions of which were not drawn up by themselves.

Nothing is so powerful as a Common* wealth in which the Laws are exadlly ob-

serVd, and this not from Fear nor from Reason, but from a passionate Impulse, as in Rome and Lacedemonian for then the Wisdom of a good Legislature is united to all the Strength a Fadlion could possibly boast.

The Carthaginians made use of foreign Forces, and the Romans employed none but their own. As the latter had never consider'd the Vanquished but merely as so many Instruments for future Triumphs; they made Soldiers of the several People they conquer'd j and the greater Opposition those jmade, the more wprthy they judg'd 'em of being incorporated into theii* Republic. 'Thus we find the Samnites^ .who were not sufadu'd till after Four and twenty Triumphs b, become Auxiliaries to the Romans; and some time before the second Punic War, they rais'd from among that Nation and their Allies0, that is, from a Country of little more Extent than the Territories of the ^ope and Naples, Seven hundred thousand Foot, and Seventy thousand Horse, to oppose the Gauls.

In the Height of the second Punic War, Rome had always a standing Army of Twen-

*» Flor. 1. i.

* See Polybius. According to the Epitome of Florus they raised Three hundred thousand Mtfn out of the City and among the Latins.

ty two or Twenty four Legions; and yet it appears by Livy, that at this time the Census, or general Survey, amounted to but about 137000 Citizens.

The Carthaginians employed a greater Number of Troops in invading others, and^ the Romans in defending themselves ; the' latter arm'd, as was just now seen, a prodigious Multitude of Men to oppose the' Gauls and Hannibal who invaded them ; and they sent out no more than two Legions, against the rnost powerful Kings; by th& Means their Strength was eternal.

Carthage was not so strong from its Situation, as Rome from the Spot on which it �stood: The latter had Thirty Colonies * round it, alt which were as so many Bulwarks. The Romans were never abandoned by one of their Allies till the Battle of Can* n<z -9 and for this Reason, the Samnites and other Nations of Italy were us'd to theitf Sovereignty.

As most.of the Cities of Africa were poorly fortified, they presently surrendred to the first Enemy that appeared under their Walls; and indeed Agathodes^ Regulus* Scifio, in & word, all who macfc a Descent on rfiose places, immediately ipread Destru&ion thro* all Carthage.

* Sec Lk% Lib. 27.

We can scarce ascribe but to an evil Ad* ministration, the several Calamities which the Carthaginians sufter'd during the War that Scipio carried on again st them ; their City % and even their Armies were famishcd, at the same time that the Romans enjoyM

a Profusion of all things. i

Among the Carthaginians, the Armies which had been defeated grew more insolent upon it, insomuch that they sometimes us'd to crucify their Generals, punishing them in this Manner for their own Cowardice. Among the Romans^ the Consul, after punishing such Soldiers as had fled from their Colours, by af Decimation, march'd the surviving Forces against the Enemy.

The Government of the Curtbagimans was vastly oppressive8: They had trampled so much upon the Spaniards, that when the Romans arriv'd among them, they were consider'd as their Deliverers y and if we refleft upon the immense Sums it cost them to maintain, in that Country, a War which prov'd

*See dppian, Lib. Lifatu*.

* This Putfitoicnt, which was infilled on those who had run from their Colours, on Mutineers, &V. was thus: The Names of all the Criminals being put together In a V^ssel or Shield,. were afterwards drawn out, every Tenth Man being to die without Reprieve. By this 'Means, tho' all were not put to Death, yet all were terrifted .into Obedience. Note by the Traftslato^.

8 See what is related by Polybius concerning their Exa&ions.

fatal to 'em, 'twill appear that Injustice is very improvident, and does not fulfil all her Promises

The founding of Alexandria had very

much lessen'd the Trade of Carthage. ^ In

the first Ages, Superstition us'd to banish*

in some measure, all Foreigners from E-

gypt; and after the Persiam had conquered

this Kingdom, they had bent their whole

Thoughts to the weakning of their new

Subje&s -, but under the Grecian Monarchs,

Egypt possess'd almost the whole Commerce

of the Universe, and that of Carthage began

to decay.

Such Rowers as are establish'd by Commerce, may subsist for a long Series of Years in their humble Condition, but their Grandeur is of Ihort Duration j they rise by little and little, and in an imperceptible Manner, for they don't perform any particular Exploit which may make a Noise, and sigimlize their Power: But when they have once rais'd themselves to so exalted a Pitch, that *tis impossible but all must see *em, every one endeavours to deprive this Nation of an Advantage which it had snatch'd, as it were, from the rest of the World.

The Carthaginian Cavalry was preferable to that of the Romans^ for these two Rcasons *, First, because the Horses of Ntimidia and Spain were better than those of Italy i Secondly, because the Roman Cavalry was

but indifferently, provided with Arms; for the Romans, as g Polybius informs us, did not introduce any Change on this Occasion, till such time as they fought in Greece.

In the first Punic War, Regulas was defeated assoon as the Carthaginians made Choice of Plains for their Cavalry to engage in; and in the second, h Hannibal ow'd his most glorious Victories to the Numidians.

Scipio^ by the Conquest of Spain and tjie Alliance he made with Majsanissa^ deprived the Carthaginians of this Superiority: The Numidian Cavalry won the Battle of Zamay and put an End to the War.

The Carthaginians had greater Experience at Sea, and were better skill'd in the tferking of Ships than the Romans: But this Advantage seems to have been less in those Agds thaft it would be in the present.

As the Ancients had not the Use of the Sea-Compass, they were confin'd almost to Coasting-, arid indeed they had nothing but Gallics, which were small and flat-bottom*d; most Roads were to them as so many Harbours ; the Knowledge of their Pilots was

g Book VI.

11 The Circumstance which gave the Romans an Opportunity-of taking a little Breath in the second Pjfurifc War, was this, Whole Bodies of Ntimidiim Cavalry went over into Siffy and Italy, and there join'd thejn.

very narrow and contracted, and they had but very little Tackling. Their Art it self was so imperfect, that as much is now done with an hundred Oars, .as in those Ages with a thousand. .

Their larger Vessels had a Disedvantage in this, that being moVd with Difficulty by the Crew of Galley-Slaves, it was impoffible for 'em to make the necesiary Evolutions. Mark Anthony experienced this, in-the most fatal Manner, at Aftium; for his Ships were not able to move about, when attacked on all Sides by the lighter Vessels of Augu* seus.

As the Antients us'd nothing but Galleons,, the lighter Vessels easily bsoke the Oars of the greater ones, which were then but as so many unwieldy, immoveable Ma^ chines, like modern Ships when they, hayc lost their Masts.

Since the Invention of the Sea-Compass, different Methods have been employed ; Oars have been laid aside ; the main Ocean has been i visited, great Ships have.been built; the Machine is become more complicated, and the Praftiees have been multiplied.

* Hence we may judge of the Imperfection of the an* ticnt Navies, since we have laid aside a Practice in which we liad so much Superiority over them.

The Discovery of Gun-Powder has occasion'd a Circumstance one would no ways have suspefted, which is, that the Strength of Fleets- depends more than ever upon Art; for in order to resist the Fury of the Cannon, and prevent the being expos'd to a superior Fire, it was necessary to build great Ships; but the Power of the Art must have been proportion'd to the Bulk of the Machine.

The small Vesiels of the Antients us'd often to grapple suddenly with one another, on which Occasion the Soldiers engag'd on both Sides: A whole Land-Army was shipped on board a Fleet. In the Sea-Fight won by Reguius and his Collegue, an hundred and thirty thouland Romans fought against an hundred and fifty thousand Cartbagini4ns: At that time Soldiers were look'd upon as considerable, and Artists the very reverse; but in these Ages, the Soldiers are -Consider'c} as little or nothing, and Artists the .very contrary.

A strong Proof of the Difference isr the Victory won by Bwllius the Cbnsul: The Romans were totally ignorant of Navigation, when a Carthaginian Galley happening, to be stranded on their Coast, serv'd them as a Model for' the building of others; In three Months time their Sailors were^train'd, their Fleet was completely fitted out;. the

Romans put to Sea, came up with the C#rthaginianSi and defeated them.

In this Age, the whole Life of a Prince would scarce suffice for the founding and equipping of a Navy capable to make Head against a Power who is already possess'd of the Empire of the Sea: This perhaps may be the only thing which Money alone cannot effect; and tho' a great k Monarch in our Days succeeded immediately in an Attempt of this Kind, Experience has prov'd to others, that such an } Example is to be admired rather than imitated.

The second Punic War made so much Noise in the World, that 'tis known to every t>ne: When we survey attentively the Croud of Obstacles which started up before HANNIBAL, and'refleft, that this extraordinary Man surmounted *em all, we view the most august Spectacle that Antiquity can possibly exhibit.

Rbme was a Miracle in Constancy and Re-^ solution after the Battles of'TfittVflK, of STr*Via, and ffinijymtne; after the Defeat at Cannce^ which was stnTmore fatal to them; tho' they saw themselves abandon'd by most of the Nations in Italy^ they yet would not sue for Peace*, and for this Reason, the Senate never once receded from their antientr Maxims: They conducted themsehnes to

* LtMi XIV. * 'Sffiin and Mfafievy*

wards Hannibal^ in the same Manner as they had before behav'd \fath regard to Pyrrhus? to whom they refus'd all Terms of Accommodation, till such time as he should leave Italy; and Dionysius Halicarnasseus m informs us, that when Coriolanus was treating with tii&Romatts, the Senate declared they would never infringe their antient Customs i that their People could not conclude a Peace sa long as the Enemy should continue in their Territories ; but that in case the Volscians would think fit to retire, they then ihould agree to any Terms that were just and reasonable.

Rome was sav'd,by the Strength and Vigour of'its Institution; after the Battle of Canna, their very Women were not allow'd to shed Tears ; the Senate refus'd to ransom the Prisoners, and sent the miserable Remains of the Army to carry on the War in &V#y, unrecompens'd, and deprived of every military Honour, till such time as Hannibal was drove out of Italy.

On the other side, lerentius Varro tho Consul had fled ignominiously as far as VcHusta: This Man, whose Extraction was very mean, had been rais'd to the Consulship merely to morfify the Nobles. "However the Senate would not enjoy the unhappy Triumph: They saw how ncccssary it was

* Antlq. Rom. L. VIII.

for them to gain the Confidence of the People on this Occasion; they therefore went out to meet Varro, and returned him Thanks for not despairing of the Safety of the Commonwealth.

'Tis commonly not.the real Loss sustained in a Battle, (that of the Slaughter of some thousand Men) which proves fatal to a State, but the imaginary Loss, the general Damp, which deprives it even of that Strength and Vigour which Fortune had left it.

Some things are asierted by all Men, because they have been asserted once: 'Tis thought Hannibal committed an egregious Error, in not lay ing Siege to Rome after the Battle of Conn*?: It mult be confess'd, that the Inhabitants of the former were at first seiz'd with a Pannic\ but then the Surprize and Dread of a martial People, which always turns to Bravery, is not like that of & despicable Populace, who are sensible to nothing but their Weakness: A Proof Hanr nlbal would not have succeeded, is, that the Romans were still powerful enough tO; send Succours where any were waatecj. . .

'Tis also said, that Hannibal was greatly overseen, in marching his Army to Capua, where his Soldiers enervated themselves; but People who make these Assertions should consider, that they don't go back to the true Cause of it: Would not every Place

have ptov'd a Capua to a Body of Men; who had enrich'd themselves with the Spoils ©f so many Victories? Alexander, whose Army consisted of his own Subjects, made use, pn a like Occasion, of an Expedient which Hannibal, whose Army was cortipos'd wholly of Mercenaries, could not employ *, and- this was, the setting Fire to the Baggage of his Soldiers, and burning, all,their Wealth and his own.

The very Conquests of Hannibal began to change the Fortune of the War: He did not receive any Succours^ from Carthage, either by the Jealousy of one Party* or the too great Confidence of the other: So long as he kept his whole Army together, he always defeated the Romans; but when he was ©blig'd to put Garrisons into Cities, to defend his Allies, to besiege Strong-Holds or prevent their being besieged, he then found himself too weak, and lost a great part of his Army by piece-meal: Conquests are easily made, because we atchieve 'em with our whole Force i they are retain'd with Difficulty, because we defend 'em with only a. part of our Forces.


<fhe State of Greece * (/Macedonia, of Syria: and of Egypt, after the Deprejsion ^Carthage.

AS the Carthaginians lost every Battle they fought, either in Spain, in Sicily, or in Sardinia; Hannibal, whose Enemies were fortifying themselves incessantly, whilst very inconsiderable Reinforcements were sent himself, was reduc'd to the Necessity of engaging in a defensive War: This suggested to the Romani the Design of making Africa the Seat of War: Accordingly Scipio went into that Part of the World, and so great was his Success, that the Carthaginians were forc'd to recall from Italy, Hannibal, who wept for Grief at his surrendring to the Romans tliose very Plains, in which, he had so often triumph'd over them.

Whatever is in the Power of a great General and a great Soldier to perform, alb this Hannibal did to save his Country : Having fruitkssly endeavoured to bring Scipio to pacific Terms, he fought a Battle, in which Fortune seem'd to delight in confounding his Ability, his Experience and good Sense.

Carthage received the Conditions of Peace* not from an Enemy, but from a Sovereign 5

the Citizens of it oblig-'d themselves to pay Ten thousand Talents in Fifty Years, to give Hostages, to deliver up their Ships and Elephants, and not to engage in any War without the Consent of the Romans; and in order that this Republic might always continue in a dejefted State, the Viftors heightned the Power of Massinissa, its irreconcilable Enemy.

After the Depression of Carthage^ the Romans were scarce engag'd but in petty Wars and obtain'd mighty Viftories, whereas before, they had obtain'd but petty Vi&ories and been engag'd in mighty Wars.

There were in those Times two Worlds, as k were, separate from each other; in One, the Carthaginians and Romans fought, and the other was shaken by the Feuds and Divisions which had subsisted ever since the Death of Alexander: In the latter, no Regard was had n to the Transaftions of the Western World: For tho* Philip King of Matedon had concluded a Treaty with Han#jW,yet very little resulted from it; and this Monarch, who gave the Carthaginians,but very inconsiderable Succours, jtist seew'd the Romans that he bore them a fruitless 111Witt.

n 'Tis surprizing, as Josepftits obse^es in his Treatllq agjiiast Appion, that neither Herodotus nor ibutydtfax make the least Mention of the Romans, tho*1 they had been engag'd in such mighty Wars.

When two mighty People are scen to wage a long and obstinate War, 'tis often ill Policy to imagine that 'tis safe for the rest of the World to continue as so maay idle Spectators; for which soever of the two People triumphs over the other, engages immediately in new Wars ; and a Nation of Soldiers marches and invades Nations who are but so many Citizens.

This was very manifest in those Ages* for scarce had the Romans subjected the Carthaginians , but they immedktely invaded other Nations, and appear'd in all Parts of ,the Earth, carrying *on an universal Invasion.

There were at that time in the Eajst, but four Powers capable of making Head against-the "Romans*, Gr^o-, the Kingdoms ^f Macedonia* Syria and Egyft: We must mfc£ a View of the Condition,, at that time, *ft the two first of those Powers; bdcausc tjbfc Romans began by subjeftkg them.

There were at that time three coaside*a?ble People in Grwec* the Mtdims^ the A~ chaians* and the Mcsotiam \ these were so many Assbciations formed by free Cities, which had their general Asiemblies and Magistrates in common. The jEtoliam were martial, bold, rash; greedy of Gain, verf4frv8n of their Promises and Oaths j in fine* a People W!K> warr'd on Land in the same Manner as Pirates do at Sea. The dckaiAm

were incommoded perpetually by troublesome Neighbours or Defenders. The Baotians, who were the mpst heavy People of all Greece, but at the same time the wisest, liv'd generally in Peace; guided entirely by a Sensation of Happiness and Misery, they had not Genius enough to be either rouz'd or misguided by Orators.

Lacedamonia had preserv'd its Power,. whereby I mean that warlike Spirit whicb the Institutibns of Lycurgus inspir'd. The ^hessalians were, in some measure, enslav'd by the Macedonians. The lllyrian Kings had already been very much deprcss'd by the Romans. The Acarnanians and Atbamanto had been cruelly irifested by the Troops of Macedon and Mtolia successively. The Atbenians, weak in themselves and unsupport^d by ° Allies, no longer aitonish'd the World, except by the Flatteries they lavish*d onr Kings; and the Orators iio moi« asceaded the Restra where Demostb&nes had harangued, unless to propose thfc bascst and most scandalous Decrees.

Besides, Greece was formidable from its S^atioft, its Strength, the Multitude of ics Cities, the great Numbers of its SoldiGTS, its Polity, Manners and Laws; the Greeks delighted in War; they knew th6

* They were not engag'd in any Alliance with the <tther Nations of Greece. Polyb. Lib. VIII.

whole Art of it; and, had they united, would have been invincible.

They indeed had been terrified by the First Philip, by Alexander and by Antipater, but not subdued; and the Kings of Macedon^ who could not prevail with themselves to lay aside their Pretensiofts and their Hopes, made the most obstinate Attempts to enslave them.

The greatest part of Macedonia was surrounded with inaccessible Mountains; the Inhabitants of it were form'd by Nature for War, courageous, obedient, industrious and indefatigable \ and these-Qualities must necessirily have been owing to the Climate, since the Natives of it ate, to this Day, the best Soldiers in the Furki/b Empire.

Greece maintain'd it self by a kind of Ba~ lance: The Lacedam&nians were generally in Alliance with the Mteliam> and tho Macedonians with the Acb&ians \ but the Arrival of the Romans quite destroy*d the JEqui-


As the Kings of Macedonia were not able to maintain a large Body of Troops, the least Loss was of Consequence to them; be* sides, 'twas difficult for these Monarchs to aggrandize themselves;because, as their ambitious Views were not unknown, other Nations kept a watchful Eye over every Sfep fj^ey took; and the Successis they obttia'd m the Wars undiflaken for the sake

of their Allies,was an Evil which these very Allies endeavour'd immediately to remedy.

But the Kings of ^Macedonia generally possess'cl great Talents; their Monarchy was not like those which proceed for ever in the same Steps that were taken at the Foundation of them ; instrufted perpetually by Dangers arid by Affairs, involv'd in all the Disputes of Greece^ it was necessary for 'em either to bribe the principal Magistrates of Cities, to raise a Mist before the Eyes of Nations, or to divide or unite their Interests ; in a word, they were oblig'd to expose, every Moment, their Persons to the greatest Dangers.

Philip, who in the Beginning ofhis Reign had won the Love and Confidence of the Gneks .by his Moderation, changed om a Hidden.; .he became p a cruel Tyrant, at a Time when he oqght to have behav'd with Justke, both from Policy an<j Ambiticm: He sewj tho* at a Distance, the Romms possess'd of numberless Forces; he had coneluded the War to the Advantage of his AiUies, and was reconcil'd to ih£ dSteKans: *Twas natural he should now endeavour to uniie all the Greeks with himself, in ordef to prevent the Romans from sctling in their Country* but so far from this, he exasper-

P Sec Pelyb. vwho relates the unjust and cruel Adions |>y^vduch Klty lost the Favour of the People.

rated them by petty Usurpations; and trifled away his Time in examining^ Affairs of little or no Consequence, at a Time when his very Existence was endangered; by the* commission of three or four evil Aftions, he made himself odious and detestable to all Greece.

The jEtolians were most exasperated, and the Romans snatching the Opportunity of their Resentment, or rather of their Folly, made an Alliance with them, entred Greece* and arm'd it against Philip. This Prince was defeated at the Battle of Cywocephal^^ and the Victory was partly gain'd by the Valour of the Mtoliam: Sb great was his Terror on this Occasion, that he concluded a Treaty, which was not so properly a Ptface, as the renouncing his own Strength; for he evacuated his Garrisons in all Greece^ deliver'd up his Ships, and bound himself under an Obligation of paying a thousand Talents in ten Years.

Polybius compares, with his usual good Sense, the Disposition of the. Roman Armies with that of theq Macedonians, which

* A Circumstance which had contributed very much to the Danger to which the Romans were exposed in the^ seosmd Punic War, was, Hannibal's presently arming his Soldiers after the Roman Manner j but the Greeks did not change either their Arms or their Way of fightSn q, and could not prevail with thcrnselvcs to Jay astde C us cams, by the Observancc of which they had perfiMOTErf such mighty Things. �

was observ'd by all the Kings who succeeded Alexander: He points out the Conveniencies as well as Inconveniencies of the Phalanx and of the Legion: He prefers the Disposition us'd by the Romans, in which he very probably was right, since all the Batfles fought at that Time show it to have been preferable.

The Success which the Romans obtain'd over Philip^ was the greatest Step they ever took towards a general Conquest: To make sure of Greece, they employed all Methods posslble to depress the JEtolians, by whose Assistance they had been victorious: They of dain'd, moreover, that every City of Greece whjch had been subjeft to Philip, or any other sovereign Prince, should from that time be govern'd by its own Laws.

'Tis very evident, that these petty Commonwealths must necessarily be dependent : The Greeks abandoned themselves to a stupid Joy, and fondly imagined they were really free, because the Romans had declar'd them to be so.

The Mtolians, who had imagin'd they Ihould bear Sway in Greece, finding they had only brought themselves under Subjeftion, were seiz'd with the deepest Grief; and as they had always form'd desperate Resolurions, they invited, in order to correft me Extravagance by another, ANTIOCHUS King of Syria into Grme, in the same Man-

ner as they had before invited the Romans.

The Kings of Syria were the most powerful of all Alexander's Succesibrs, they being posiess'd of almost all the Dominions of Darius^ Egypt excepted j but by the Concurrence of several Circumstances, their Power had been much weakned.

Seleucus, who founded the Syrian Empire, had destroy'd, towards the latter End of his Life, the Kingdom of Lysimacbus.. During the Feuds and Distractions, several Provinces took up Arms; the Kingdoms of Pergamus, of Cappadacia and of Eitbynla started up; but these petty, fearful States, always consider'd the DepresJion of their former Matters as the making of their own Fortune.

As the Kings of Syria always beheld^ with a most invidious Eye, the Felicity or the Kingdom of Egypt, they bent their whole Thoughts to the Conquest of that Country; by this Means, neglecting the East, they were dispol&ss'd of several Provinces there, and but indifferently obey'd in the rest.

In fine, the Kings of Syria ppsssess'd upper and lower Asia \ but Experience }ias shewn, that in this Case, when the Capital City and the chief Forces are in the lower Provinces of^s/ia^ there is no PossibiUty of maintaining the upper ones; and on the contrary, when the Seat of the Empire is

in the upper Provinces, the Monarch weakens himself by maintaining the lower ones. Neither the Persian nor Syrian Empires were ever so powerful as that of the Partbiansy tho* these reign'd over but Part of the Provinces which form'd the Dominions of those two rowers. Had Cyrus not conquered the Kingdom of Lyctia ; had Seleucus continu'd in Babylon, and let the Successbrs of Antigonus possess the Maritime Provinces, the Greeks wou'd never have conquer'd the Per~ Jian Empire, nor the Romans that of Seleucus. Nature has prescrib'd certain Limits to States, purposely to mortify the Ambition of Mortals: When the Romans steppM beyond those Limits, the greatest part of them were destroy'd by the ParthiansT; when the Parthians presum'd to pass 'em, they were forc'd immediately to retire back* and in our Days, such Turks' as advanc'd beyond those Boundaries, were oblig'd to return whence they came.

The Kings of Syria and Egypt had, in their respe&ive Dominions, two Kinds of Subjects, victorious Nations, and Nations vanquished; the former, still pufi'd up with the Idea of their Origin, were ruPd with very great Difficulty: They were not fir'd witti

r I have given the Reason of this in the XV. Charter, borrow'd partly from the Geographical Dispositinn^

of the Two Empires.

that Spirit of Independahce which animates us to shakc off the Yoke, but with that Impatience which makes us wish to change our Sovereign.

But the chief Weakness of the Kingdom of Syria sprung from that of the Court, where such Monarchs presided as were Successors to Darius, not to Alexander. Luxury, Vanity and Effeminacy ,which have prevail'd thro* all Ages in the Asiatic Courts, triumphed more particularly in that of Syria: The Evil infedled the common People and the Soldiers, and catch'd the very Romans themselves.-, since the War in which they engag'd against Antiochus, is the true -ffira of their Corruption.

Such was the Condition of the Kingdom of Syria * vthGmtntiocbus, who had performed such mighty Things, declared War against the Romans; but he did not conduct himself in it with even the Wlsdorh which is employed in common Affairs: Hannibal requested, either to have the War reviv'd in Italy, and Philip bribed; or ^Me that he might be prevailed upon to stand neuter: Antwchw did not follow any part of this Advice: He appeared in Greece with only a sefrifl Part of his Forces: And*as tho* he were come merely to see the, War, not to dfty it on, he followed nothing but hk Pkosores, by which means he was defeated,

and fled out of Asia^ terrified rather than conquered.

PHILIP, who was dragged to this War by the Romans, as tho' a Flood had swept him along, employ'd his whole Power in their Service, and became the Instrument of their Vi&ories: The Pleasure of taking Vengeance of, and laying waste Mtolm ; the Promise made him of lessening the Tribute he paid, and of leaving him the Possession of certain Cities \ some personal Jealousy of Antiochus *, in a word, a few inconsiderable Motives sway'd his Resolutions; and not daring so muclv^s to think of lhaking off the Yoke, he only consider'd how he might best lighten if.

Antioch}** fbrrn'd so wrong a Judgment of Thiftgs, as to fancy that the Romans would not molest him in Ast a; however,-they follow'd bim thither; he was again overcome, and in his Consirmation, consented to the rnost infemous Treaty that ever was concluded by so mighty & Prince.

I cannot recolleft any thing so magnanimous, as a Resolution taken by a Monarch in our Days1,, to bury himself under the Rvuns of the ^htone, raster thain accept of Tefms which were unworthy of ^ King: Sp haughty was his Soul, that he could not

* ln»* XIV.

stoop lower than his Misfortunes had thrown him ; and he* was very sensible, that Courage may, but Infamy can never, give fresh Strength to the Regal Diadem.

We often meet with Princes who have Skill enough to fight a Battle, but with very few that have the Talents requisite for carrying on a War; who are equally capable -of making a proper Use of Fortune and of waiting for her; and who join to a Frame of Mind, which raises Suspicions before it exe~ cutes, such a Disposition as makes them fearless after they have once executed.

'After the Depression of Antiochus^ some inconsiderable Powers only remained, if we except Egypt, which, from the Advantage of its Situation, its Fertility, its Commerce^ the great Number of its Inhabitants, its Naval and Land-Forces, might have beeii ft>r«* midable; but the Cruelty of its Kings, their Cowardice, their Avarice, their ImbeciHity, and their enormous Sensualities, made *em so odious to their Subjects, that they sup* ported themselvcs, for the most part, by the Protection of the Rotnaits.

*Twas a kind of fundamental Law, with regard to the Crown of £gypt, tbspt the Sisters should suceeed with the Brothers j and in order to preserve Unity in rhe Governiqcnt, the Brother was, married to the Si* iter. Now, 'tis scarce possible to fignre any thing more pernicious in Politicks than

such an Order of Succession j for as all the little domestic Feuds rose so high as to disorder the State, whichsoever of the Two Parties had the least Dlscontent* immediately excited against the other, the Inhabitants of Alexandria^ a numberless Multitude, always prepared to join with the first of their Kings who should rouze them ; so that there were for ever Princes who actually reigo'd, and Pretenders to the Crown; and as the Kingdoms of Cyrene and Cyprus were generally possess'd by other Princes of that House, who laid their respeftive Claims to the whole; by that Means the Throne of these Princes was ever tottering; and being indifferently settled at home, they had no Power abroad.

, The Forces of the Kings of Egypt, like those of the Asiatic Monarchs, were compos'd of auxiliary Greeks. Besides the Spirit of Liberty, of Honour, and of Glory, Which animated the latter People, they were incessandy employed in bodily Exercises of every Kind, Jn all their chief Cities Games were instituted, wherein )the Victors were crown'd in the Presence of all Greece^ which rais'd a general Emulation: Now, in an Age when Combatants fought with Arms, the Success of which depended on their Strength and Dexterity, 'tis natural to supTOse that Men thus .exercis'd, "taust have had a great Advantage over a Croid of

Barbarians, who were enlisted at Random, and dragg'd indiscriminately into the Field, as was evident from the Armies of Darius.

The Romans, in order to deprive the Kings of such a Body of Soldiery, and to bereave them, but in an easy, silent Manner, of their principal Forces, observ'd two Things: First, theyestablilh'd byinsenliblt Degrees as a Maxim, with respeft to all the Cities of Greece^ that they should not conclude any Alliance, give any Succour, or make War against any Nation whatsoever without their Consent! Secondly, in their Treaties with' Kings, they forbid them to levy any Forces from among the Allies of the Romans, by which Means, those Monarchs were reduc'd to employ their national Troops only.

* They had before observ'd -this political Conduft wkh regard to the CartbaginianS) whom they obliged, by tlie Treaty cpnchided with them, to employ no longer auxf» liary Troops, as appears from a Fragment of Dfon.


fbeConduft which the ROMANS observ*d> in order to subdue All Nations.

DURING the Course of so mighty a Prosperity> in which'tis usual for Mankind to forget themselves, the Senate continu'd to act with the* same Depth of Judgment i and whilst their Armies were Spreading an universal Terror, they would not suffer those to rise who were once cast to the Ground.

A Tribunal ^rose which judgM all Nations : At the Close of every War they <tetermin'd the Rewards or Punishments which every one had merited: They took away from the vanquilh'd People, part of their Lands, and gave 'em to their Allies, in which they did two things; they engag'd in the Interests ofRotne> Princes from whom they had little to fear, and much to hope j and they weakned others from whom they had nothing to hope, and every thing to fear.

In warring wkh an Enemy they made use of their Allies, but immediately extirpated the Destroyers. Philip was overcome by the Assistance of the Mtoliam^ who were destroy'd presently after, for having join'd themselves to Antiochus. This King was

overcome by the Assistance of the Rhodians; but after the most conspicuous Rewards had been bestow'd upon'em, they.were depressed for ever, upon Pretence that they had demanded to have a Peace concluded with Persetts.

When the Romans were oppos'd by several Enemies at the same time, they granted a Truce to the Weakest, who thought themielves happy in obtaining it; conndering it as a great Advantage, that their Ruin had been suspended.

When they were engag'd in a mighty War, the Senate wkikfd at Wrongs of every Kind, and silentfy waked the Season prtfper for Chastisement: If at any time a reop!e sent 'em the Offenders, they refus'd .10 puniih 'emr chusing rather to constdcr the whole Nation as guilty, and reservs to5 themselves a useful Vengeance.

As they made their Enemies suffer inex« pressible Evils, very few Leagues were formed against them; for He wko'was'at tie greatdQk IMstance from the Danger, did nor care to come near it.

For this Reason War was seldom denouncM against *emr but themselves always made it at a Season, in the Manner, and with a People, as best suited their latere^^ and among the great,Number of Nations they invaded, there were very few but would have submitted to Injuries of evwy

__ V ^m J

Kind, provided they cou'd but be suffer'd to live in Peace.

As 'twas usual for them to deliver themselves always in a magisterial Way, such EmbasTadors as they sent to Nations who had not yet felt the Weight of their Power, werfc sure to meet with ill Treatment, which furnish'd them with a surea pretence to .'engage in a new War.

As they never concluded a Peace with Sincerity and Integrity, and intended a general Invasion, their Treaties were properly but so many Suspensions from War; they inserted such Conditions in them, as always pav'd the Way tcnthe Ruin of those States who accepted *em: They us'd to send the Garrisons out of the Strong-Holds; they regulated the Number of the Land-Forces, or had the Horses and Elephants deliver'd up to them ; and, in case this People were powerful at Sea, they oblig'd them to burn their Ships, and sometimes to remove higher up in the Country.

After having destroy'd the Armies of a Prince, they drained his Treasury, by imposing a heavy Tribute, or taxing him immoderately, under Colour of*making him defray the Expence of the War: A new Species of Tyranny, which obliged him to

* Sec an Example of this, in their War witK the DMf mates. See Polybius.

oppress his Subjects, and thereby lose their Affection.

Whenever they granted a Peace to some Prince, they us'd to take one of his Brothers or Children by way of Hostage, which gave them an Opportunity of railing, at Pleasure T Commotions in his Kingdom: When they had the next Heir among them, 'twas their Custom to intimidate the Possessbr : Had they only a Prince of a remote Degree, they made use pf Kim to foment the Insurrections of the Populace.

Whenever any Prince or any People had withdrawn from their Allegiance, they im~ mediately indulged 'em the Tide ofb Atty to tfie Romans * and by this Means they became sacred and inviolable; so th^t/t^fcr£ was no Monarch, how formidable soevcFt who could rely one Moment upon his Subjects, or even upon tiis own Family..

Altho' the Title of their Ally was a kihd of Servitude, itc yet was very much sought after j for those who enjoy'd it were mre to receive no Injuries but from them, anci had Reason to flatter themselves they would be less grievous j hence Nations and Kings

b See particularly their Treaty with the Jews, in the 1st Book of the Maccabees, Ch 8.

c Ariaratbet ofFerr*ii a Sacrifice to the Gods, says #*tyl>iu!> by way of Thanks for having obuinM their Al-

%� * » w


were ready to undertake any kind of Services, and submitted to the meanest and most groveling A6ts, merely for the sake of obtaining it.

They had various Kinds of Allies; some were united to them by Privileges and a~ Participation in their Grandeur, as the Latins and the Hernici -, others by the Settlement it self, as thejr Colonies; some by good Offices, as Massamssa^ Eumenes, and Attains, who were obliged to them for their Kingdoms or their Exaltation ; others by free" and unconstrain'd Treaties, and these, by the long Continuation of the Alliance, became Subjects, as the Kings of Egypt', Eitbynia^ Cappadocia, and most of the 6r<?eian Cities; in fine, many by forc'd and involuntary Treaties, and by the Law of their Subjection, as Philip and Antwcbus \ for every. Peace the Romans granted an Enemy, included alsoan Alliance with him i or in other Words, they made every Nation subdued by them contribute to the Depression of others.

When rhey permitted any Cities the Enr joyment of their Liberties,,, they immediaately rais'd two d Factions in them, one of which defended ,the Laws and Liberties of the-Country, whilst the other asserted, that the Will of the Romans was the only Law 5

^ See Polybius on the Cities of Greece,

and as the latter Faction was always the most powerful, 'tis plain such aLiberty but a mere Name.

They sometimes possess'd themselves of a Country upon Pretence of being Heirs to it: They entred Asia^ Btihynia and Libya by the Last Wills of Attains, of Nicomedes% and of Appion -, and Egypt was enslav' that of the King of Cyrene.

To keep great Princes for ever in a weak Condition, they would not siiffer *em to conclude an Alliance with those Nations to whom they had granted theirsf; and as. thjey did not refuse it to any People who* border'd upon a powerful.Prince, this Condition inserted in a Treaty of Peace,.deprived him of all his Allies.

Besides,. when they had overcome anyr censiderable Prince, one of the Articles of the Treaty was, that he should not make War, upon Account of any; Feuds of Ks. own,, with the Allies of the Romans (that

' \ \ «,

is to say, generally with all his Neighbours); but should submit 'em to.Atbitr^tion,, which deprived him of a Military Power for time to come.

And in order to keep the sole Possesiioiv of it in their own Hands, they bereavM their

very Allies of this Force j the Instant these


*' The Son of Pbilopator, * Tljk was Antiochuss Case.


had .the least Contest, they sent Embassa*dors, who oblig'd 'em £6 conclude a Peace: We need but consider the Manner ih which, they terminated the Wars of Attains and Prusias.

When any Prince had gain'd such a Conquest: as often had exhausted him, immediately a Roman Embassador came and wrested it out of his Hands: Among a Multitude of Examples, we may remember how they, with a single Word, drove Antioches out of Egypt.

Fully sensible how well the European Nations were turned for War, they establishM as a Law., that no * Asiatic Monarch shpuld be suffer*d to come into Europe, and there invade any People whatsoever. The chief Motive of their declaring War against Mithridates b was, for his having subdu'd some Barbarians contrary to this Prohibition.

When they saw two Nations engaged in War, altho* they were not in Alliance, nor had .any Contest with either of *em, they gevertheiess appear'd upon the Stage of Action, and, lilce our Knight-Errants, always sided with the Weakest: *Twas an j an-

g The Order Tent (o Antidcbus, even before the War,

for him not to cross into- Europe, was made general with icgard to all other.Kings.

*> 4ppian, de Bello Mitbri-dat.

* A Fragment of Dionyjius, copied fiom the Extract cf Ettibassics, iimde by Canstantine Parpbyrogeantta.

tient Custom, says Dionysius Halicarnajscus, for the Romans to grant Succour to all who came to implore it.

These Customs of the Romans were nat certain particular Incidents, which happened by chance, but were sb many invariable Principles \ and thrs is easy to perceive, for the Maxims they put in Practice against the greatest Monarchs were exactly the same with those they had employ'd^ in their Infant State, against the little Cities which stood round *em.

They made Eumenes and Majjanijsa contribute to the Subjeftion&of Philip and Antio-* chus, as they had before employ'd the Latins and the Hernici to sobdire the Vot/ti&ns aitd the Tuscans: They oblig'd the Carthaginians and the Kings of Asia, to surrender their Fleets to them, in like Manner as they had forc'd the Citizens of Antium to give up their little Vessels.

Whenever there happenM any Feud in a State, they immediately judged the Affair, and thereby were sure of having that Party only, wnom they ctrttfemn*d\ for their Enemy. If Princes of the same Blood were at Variance for the Crown, they sometimes declared *em both Kings, and by thrs Means crush'd the Power of both: If one of 'em was a k Minor, they declarM hblus

1 To enable themsclves to ruin Syria* In quality of Guardians, they declared in Favour of the Son of An-

Favour, and made themfelves his Guardians in quality of Protectocs of the World; for they had carried Matters to so high a Pitch,, that Nations and Kings were their Subjects, without knowing directly upon what Right or Title j it being a Maxim, that the bare hearing of their Names, was sufficient for a People to acknowledge them their Sovereigns.

When any State compos'd too formidable a.Bqdy from its Situation or Union, they never fajPd to divide it. The Republic of Acbaia was form'd by an Assbciation of free Cities; the Senate declared, that ev;ery City shpujd from that time be gpvern'd by its gwn Laws, independent on the general Authority.

The .Commonwealth,of Btvotia rose likewise from a League m,ade between several (jjtjies; but, as in the War of Perseus, one City declared for that Prince, and others for the Rdnians, the latter receiv'd them into Favour, when.the common Alliance was dissblvU

M&ctdQjm wassurroundedrby inacciessib^e Mountains: The Senate divided it into four Parts; declared those free; prohibited thern every Kind of Alliance among themselves.

&Q(bttiSt who was but a Child, in Opposition tp DemetHus t^ho was their Hostage, and conjur'd *em to do Jhim Judice, crying, that'Rome was his Mother, and jthe Senators his Fathers.

by Marriage; carried off all the Nobles inr to Italy) and by that Means reduc'd this Power to nothing.

Had a great Monarch who reigp'd in our Time followed these Maxims, when he lav? a neighb'ring Prince dethroned, he would have employ'd a stronger Force in his Support, and have confin'd him to the Island which continu'd faithful to him. By dividing the orily Power that cou'd have oppofed his iPeQgns, he woulcl have drawn infinite Ad vantages, even from the Misfortunes

of his Ally.

The R&mans never engaged in far-dastan*

Wars, till they had first made an Alliance whh some Power contiguous to the Enemy they invaded, who might ignite his Troops to the Army they sentj and as this was ner ver consider#j>Ie with regard to Numbers,, they always had l another in that Prpvinoe which lay nearest the Enemy, and a thir^l in Rome± ever ready to march, at a Moment's Warning. In this Manner they ne-? ver hazarded but a small part of their FOJ> ces, whiMl their Enemy ventured all His..

They sometimes insidiously abus'd the Subtlety of the Words of *their Langu^e: They destroy'd Carthage^ upon pretence that they had promis'd to preserve the Ci-

1 This was their coustant Practke, as appears from" Histoiy,

�vitas not the Urbs m. 'Tis well known in ttrhat Manner the jEtolians, who-iiad abandon'd themselvcs to their Faith, were impos'd upon; the Romans pretended, that the Signification of these Words, Abandon one's self to the Faith of an Enemy, imply *d, the Loss of all Things; of Persons, Lands, Cities, Temples, and even of Burial Places.

The Romans would even go sb far, as to give arbitrary Explanations to Treaties : Thus, when they were resolv'd to depress the Radians, they declar'd, that they had formerly given them Lyciay not by way of Present, but as a B^iend and Ally.

When one of their Generate concluded a Peace, merely to preserve liis Army which ~w&s just upon the point of being <:ut toPiecek, the Senate, who did not ratify it, took Advantage^ of this Peace and continu-'d the War. Thus when JUGURTHA had surrounded an Army of Romany and permitted them to march away unmoksted, upon the Fatth of a Treaty, these very Troops he had sav*d were employed against him: And When the Numantines had reduced Twenty thousand Romans just perishing with Hunger, to the Neqesslty of suing for Peace;

m There is sometimes this Difference betw&n Civitas and Urbt j the former (ignifks the Inhabitante, the latter the Buildings. Note by the Tranjlator*

this Peace, which had sav'd the Lives of so many thousand Citizens, was broke at Rome, and the Public Faith was eluded by n sending back the Consal who had sign'd it.

They sometimes would conclude a Peace with a Monarch upon reasonable Conditions, and the Instant he had executed them, they added others of so injurious a Nature, that he was forc'd to renew the War. Thu^' when they had forc'd Jugurtha to ° deliver up his Elephants, hisHorses, his Treasures, and his Deserters, they requir'd him to sur.render up his Person, which beingthe greatcst Calamity that can befal a Prince, .canadt for that Reason be ever made an* Article <ef Peace.

Inr fine, they set up a Tribunal over Kings, whom they judg'd for their particular Vices and Crimes: They heard the Complaints of all Person&who had any Dif* pute with PHI L i P:ltThey sent Deputies with 'em by way of Safeguard, and ob%*act Ptrseus to appear before these, to ansv^er for certain Murthers and certain Quarrels

n After Claudius Glycias bad granted theCerpwsis a Peace, the Senate gave Orders for renewing the \^ar agaiast them* and delivered up Gtjaat to the Inhabitants of tire. J/bad, who would not receive him. Every doe knows what happen'd at the Furc<f Caudin*.

0 They adled the same part with regard to Vtriatuit After having oblig'd him to give up the Deserters, he w«i order'd to surrender up his^Vrms, to which neithet KlraTelf nor his Army could content, fragment tf&kn*

he had with some Inhabitants of the confederate Cities.

As Men judg'd of the Glory of a General by the Quantity of the Gold and Silver carried in his Triumph, the Romans stripp'd the vanquish'd Enemy of all things. Rome was fpr ever enriching it self; and every War they engag'd in, enabled 'em to undertake a new one.

All the Nations who were either Friends or Confederates, quite p ruin'd themselves by the immensely-rich Presents they made, ia order, to procure the Continuance of the Favours already bestow'd upon 'em, or to ojbtaia greater; and^haJf the Monies which us'd to be sent upon thele Occasions to the Romans, would have sufficM to conquer them.

Being Matters of the Universej they ar* rogated to themselves all the Treasuresof k; and were less unjust Robbers, coasider'd as Conquerors, than consider*d as Legislacors. HeariBjg that PTOLEMY King of Cyprus was possess'd of immense Wealth, they q enacted a Law, propos'd by a Tribune, by which they gave to themselves the Ihhe-

P The Presents which the Senate us'd to send King* were mere Trifles, as 'a Chair and an Ivory Staff, or a Jtobe like to that worn by their Ma^istrates.

9 Qtvittaxum tantafama erat, says F/orui, ut victor Gittiufft populusj & dware Regna consultus, socii viriqut figis wajiscatwnem manfaverit. Lib. til. c, 9,

ritance of a Man still living, and confiscated to their own Use the Estates of a confederate Prince.

In a little time, the Greedinese of particular Persons quite devoured whatever had escap'd the public Avarice; Magistrates and Governors us'd to fell their Injustice tp Kings: Two Competitors would ruin one another, for the sake of purchasing an everdubious Protection against a Rival who was not quite undone; for the Romans had not even the Justice of Robbers, who disco^cr a certain Probity in the Exercise of Guilt. In fine, as Rights, Whether lawful or ;usupped, were naaiotaia'd by Mo^eypnly; Prior ces? to obtain jt, despoil'd Temples, and copfiscated the tolTessiQjQS of tbe we^lthiiest^Citizens; a thousend Crimes werje committed , purely for tbe lake of giving to the Romans all the Money m the Urnycrse.

But nothing was iof greater Advantage tp thjs People than the Awe wii»h which ti^ey struck the whole Earth: la an Instant, Kir^gs were put to Silence, and, seem'd as though they were stupid \ no Regard was had to their Eminence, but their very Persons were attack'd ; to hazard a War, was to expose themsclves to Captivity, to Death, to the Infemy of a Triumph. Thus Kings, who liv'd in the midst of Pomps and I^kiUili, did not dare tx> fix their Eyes sted&ltly ,cm

the Roman People; and their Courage failing them, they hop*d t6 suspend a: little the Miseries with which they were threatnetf, by their Patience and groveling Aftfons.

Observe, I intreat you, the ConducS of the Romans. After the Defeat of ANTIOCHUS <they were possess'd of Africa^ Asia and Greece^ without having scarce a singfc City in these Countries that were immediately their own. They seem'd to conquer with no other View but to bestow; but then they obtain'd so complete a Sovereignty, that whenever they engaged in War with toy Prince, they oppress'd him, as it were, with the Weight of the whole Universe,

The Time proper for seizing upon the corajuer'd Countries was not yet come: Had the Romans kept the Cities they took from -Philipi the Greeks would have seea at once into their Designs: Had they, after the Second Punic War f or that with Antwcbus* poHess'd th_emse!ves of Lands in r Africa and in Asia, thfcy could never have preservfa Conquesbso sfipriy dfeblishfd. . ^Twas the Interest of the Romam to wait till all Nations were accustomy to obey, as free and as confederate, "before they should

« They did not dare to venture their Cofonies in .t^se Couniries; but chpse rather to raise an tetemal JeaJofisy be^we^n the Carthaginians and Massinissa, and td^raake both those Powers aM 'em in the Conquest of tiauJonia and Greece.

attempt to command over them as Subjects* and to let 'em blend and lose themsclyes, as it were, by little and little, ii\ the Roman Commonwealth.

This was a slow Way of conquering: After overcoming a Nation, they contented themselves with weakning it; they impo* sed such Conditions as consum'd it insensibly: If it recovered, they depress'd it &?\ more, and it became subject, without there being a Possibility of dating the JEra of its Subjection.

Thus Rome was not properly either a Monarchy or a Commonwealth, but di£ Head of a Body composed of all the Nations in the Universe.

Had the Spaniards, after the Conquest of jMexico and Peru, follow'd this Plan, they would not have been oblig'd to destroy AH, for the sake of preserring All.

'Tis a Folly in Conquerors to force their own Laws and Customs on all Nations; such a Conduct is of very ill Consequence, for Men are capable of obeying under all Kinds of Government, �

But as Royte did not irnpose any general Laws, the Nations did not form any dan* gerous Assbciations; they form'd one Body no otherwise than by a common Obedience; and were all Romans without being Countrymen,

It perhaps will be objected, that no Empires founded on the Laws of Fiefs were ever durable or powerful. But nothing could be so contradictory as the Plan of the Romans and that of the Goths; and just to mention these Plans, the former was a Work of Strength, the latter of Weakness: In the One, Subjection was extreme, in the Other, Independence: In the Gothic States, Power was lodged in the Vassals, and Right only in the Prince; whereas 'twas the reverse in the Roman Government.



How it was possible for Mithridatcs to resijt


AMONG the several Kings whom the Romans invaded, MITHRIDATES was the only one who made a courageous Defence and exposed 'em to Danger*

His Dominions were situated to wonderful Advantage for carrying on a War with them: They border'd on the iriaccessible Countries of Mount Caucasus, peopled ^ith savage Nations, whorrj that Prince could call to his Assistahce; they thence extende4 along the Sea of Pontus, which.Mitbvdates covered with his Ships, and he was incessantly purchasing new Aprriies of Scythians': jAsia was open to his myasionS, and he was rich,, because his Cities, sitl&tgd on the Pontus Euxinus, carried on an advantageous Traffic with Nations less industrious than themselves.

Proscrtptions, the Custom of which began at this Time, had forc*d several jR«mans to leave their Country. These were receiv*d by Mitbridates with open Arms, and he forrnM Legions' into which he in*

» Frontin. Stratagem. Lib. II. tells us, chat Afcbel4us> Lieutenant of Mithridates, engaging againsl Syllay fost'ed,

corporated thole Exiles, who prov'd the best Soldiers in his Army,

On the other side, the'Romans disorder'd by intestine Divisions, and threatned with more imminent Dangers, neglected the Affairs of Asia^ and suffer'd Mitbrldates to pursue his Victories, or take Breath after his Defeats.

Nothing had contributed more to the Ruin of most Kings, than the manifest Desire they shew'd for Peace; By this, they had prevented all other Nations from dividing With tfterh a Danger, from which they were so anxious to extricate thejnselves : But Mitbridtftes immediately made the whole World lensible, that he w^s an Enerny to the Romans, mid would be so eternally.

la fine, the Cjtjte^ of Greece znQ-jisia findiflg the Roman Y^^grpwrm6r£ m tolerable e^ry Eay, repbs*d ^eir-whale Cphlndence in dhls barbarous Iting, who invited them to 1 ibmy.

This Disposition of Thmgs gave Rise to three mighty Wars, whidi form Qne of the noblest Parts of the Roman Histot£, and for this Reason: We don't, on this Occasida,


in the first Rank, his Chariots arm'd with Scathes, in |he second his Phalanx, in the third his Auxiliaries arm'd after ,the Roman Wsy i mitxAjbgttivis halt*, Iqcotiim ptrvit#ci# multtim ftlebat. Mitbridates even made an AJliaucc with Strttrius. Sec also Plutarch Life of lu~ cullUs.

read of Princes already overcome by Luxury and Pride, as Antwcbus and Yigranes ; ~nqr by Fear, as Philip, P&sivs and Jugurtha; but a magnanimous King, who in Adversity> like a Lion that gazes upon his Wounds, was fir'd with the greater Indignation upon that Account.

This part of the Roman History is singular, because it abounds with perpetual and ever-unexpe<cted Revolutions:. For aas on one side, Mitbrifates.voai&eaisily recrpit his Armies; it also appeared, mat in thost Reverses of Fortune, in which Kings stanjd in greatest Need of Obedience and a stri2t Discipline, his Barbarian Forces Iprsook him; As he had the Art qf enticing Nations, and stirring up Cities to Rebellioj^*ljp" alsp.waJ betray'd by his^gt^js, ^s-GhSt dren and his Wives; in fine, as ^he^fs som^times <?ppos*d by un^jcperienc'd Roman Generals, so there was sent against him, at other times, SYLLA, LUCULLUS and POMPEY.

This Prince, ^f<p iairlnfe defeat^fd die

R^M 4k- ^-

been va^IlhU

in his^p,: i|i^^> c^fip'd^^T^ty to his former TLimits; harass'd by the RomanGznw&^i become on§e more the.C0n^ <^eiK)^j&f,^?tai drove away by Lucullus;

his own Country; offlStftfl?*4li S^^^felter to Tigranesj and ddfertbi^i

him: Finding this Monardi irrecoverably k>st, and depending. merely upon hiitiself for Succour, he took Sajictuary in his own Dbminions, and re-ascended rife Thtohe.

Lucuttus was succeeded by Pdnj>eyy who puite overpowered Mitbri&ites. He then flies put of his Dominions, and eroding the jfraxes, marches from Danger to Danger thro* the Country of the Lallans; and assemblmg in his Way all the Barbarians he met with, appear'd in the Bq/pb&rtts before * MACCHARES his Son, who had reconcil'd himsclf to the Romans.

Altho* plung'd in so deep an Abyss, he yetc form'd a Design of making Italy the Seat of the War, and of matching to Rome aii the Head of th^se Nations Who enslav'd it some Years after, and by the lame Way they did,

BetrayM by Pbarnaces, another of his Sons, and by an Army terrified at the Greatness of his Enterprizes and the Perils he was going in search of, he died in a Manner worthy a King.

'Twas then thatPfffl^, hi the Rapidity of his Victories, complected the pomjxms Work of the Raman Grandeur: He united

b MitbriJato had made him King of the Bsikr*** *News being brought of his Father's Arrival, he <& spuch'd himself.

« See dppian, dt Belk Mitbridatic*.

to the Body of its Empire, Countries of a boundless Extent, which, however, heightned the Roman Magnificence rather than increas'd its Power; and tho* it appeared by the Titles carried in his Triumph, that he had increas'd the Revenue of the public Treasuryd above a Third, there yet was no Augmentation in Power; and the public Liberty was thereby only expos'd to the greater Danger.


Of the Divi/ions which always subsisted in the


I � _ _ I

WHILST Rome was conquering the World, a hidden War was carrying on within its Walls: These^were Fires like thpse of Volcano's, which break out the th* stant they are fed by some conibustible Substance.

After the Expulsiort of the Kings, the Government became Aristocratical : The Patrician Families only, ofctainM all dhe Employments and Digmtiels in the * State,

f * See Plutartb in the Life of Pompey; awd 2bnaf*i, JutO* II.

*i Jl2|^tHc}aas were investcd, in somc mcisiu^ with |L§BBBteH«ctcr» w>4^l»y only were allo^'d to take jjSjJIIj****- Sce in L'vy> Book VI. the Speech of jfa

and consequently all b Honours Civil and Military.

The Patricians being determined to prevent, if possible, the Return of the Kings, endeavour'd to foment the restless Principle which now prevailed in the Minds of the People *, but they did more than they would willingly have done: By attempting to inspire them with a Hatred for Kings, they fir'd them with an inordinate Thirst for Liberty. As the Royal Authority had devolved entirely upon the Consuls, the People found they were far from posTesilng that Liberty they were taught to idolize: They therefore sought fqr Methods by which they might depress the Consulate; procure Piebtian Magistrates ; and share the Curules^ or greater Employments, with the Nobles. The Patrkians were forc'd to comply with all the Demands of the People; for in a City where Poverty was the public Virtue; where Wealth, that clandestine Path to Power, was despi^'d; neither Birth nor Dignities could bellow any great Advanta-

f^s: It was therefore necesiary for Power to ll into the Hands of the greater Number, and for Aristocracy to change by irisensible Degrees into a popular State.


b As for Instance, they alone were pet-milled flaTtiumph, since they alone could be Coitsiile «ftd Owie*


Those-who are subordinate to a King,are less tortujr'd with Envy and Jealousy than such as live under an hereditary Aristocracy: .The Prince is at so great a Distance from his Subjects that he is scdrce seen by *em, and is rais'd so far above "em, that they cannot conceiye any Relation capable of giving 'em Disgust: But when the Nobles preside in a State, they are expos'd to the Eyes of all Men, and are not seated so high as to prevent odious Companions from being made perpetually j and, indeed, the People have detested Senators, in this and in all Ages. Such Commonwealths in which Birth does not bestow*any Share in the Le>gislature, are the happiest in this Respe&j for A'tis natural that the People should not bear so much Envy to an Authority, which they bestow on whom they think proper, and resuine at Will.

The People being disgusted at the Patricians, withdrew to the sacred Hill (Mem s#cer)> whither Deputies being senr, they were.ap£eas*d: And as they all made a Promise to assist one another, in case the Pafigka^* toiiW not perform thdr � ^igagement, iwhich woqld have cstpcscMSe^ t^is /evejry Moment, and disturbM all tJie I^gistrates ih-the Ejcercise of their Fun<aionsj 'twas jucig'd better to create an Offi-

* ZIMW, Lib. II.

cer, d who might protect the People against any In judice that shou'd be done *em: But by a Malady for ever incident to Man, the Plebeians, who had obtained Tribunes merely to defend 'em, employ'd thole very Ma* gistrates to annoy others -, so that they stript, by insensible Degrees, the Patricians of all their Privileges. This gave Rise to everlasting Contests: The People were supported, or rather animated, by their Tribunes * and the Patricians were defended by the Sena te, the greatest part of which consisted of Patricians, who were more inclined to favour the antient Maxims; and afraid that the Populace would raise ibme Tribune to arbitrary PowtT.

The People employ'd, in the Defence of this Magistrate, their own Strength, and the Superiority they had in the Suffrages; their Refusal to march into the Field, their Threats to go quite away; the Partiality,of their Laws; in fine, their Sentences pronounc'd against those who had oppos'd *em too vigorously: The Senate defended themjselves by their Wisdom, their Justice, aa4 the Love they inspir*d for one's Country j by their Beneficence, and the prudent Distributiori of the Treasures of the Commonwealth ; by the Veneration which the Peo-

* Origin of the Tribunes of the People.

pie had for the Glory of the principale Families, and th£ Virtue of illqstrious Persona*ges; by Religion it sell*, the antient Insti^ tutions, and the Prohibition of Days of public Meeting, upon pretence that the Auspjces had not been favourable; by their Clk ents, by the Opposition of one Tribune to another; by the Creation of a f Dictat!or» the Occupations of a new War, or the Misfortunes and Calamities which united all Parties * in a word, by a paternal Condescension, in granting the People part of their Demands, purposely to make 'em te-

* The People had To grea| a Veneration for the chief Families, that altho' they had obtain'd the Privilege ox* creating Plebeian Military Tribunes, who were inveUca with the same Power as the Consab, they neverthetesi always made choice qf Patricians for this Employment. They were obJig'd to put a Constraint upon 'emselvea, and to enact, that there should ever be a Plebeian Conful; and when a.ny Plebeian Families were rais*d toEnjploymento in the State, they afterwards were aiwtys carried: 'Twas with Difficulty that the Peorie, nptwitlistancUrig the pe/petual Ddirc they had td depresie the NobUity, depre6 d sem in reajity; and w^eiji they fib'd to Honours sonie Ptrlbn of mean giWlion, as /^H? and Marius, it <lpst 'em very greae Struggles. � "

f The Ptrtricians* to defend themselves, us'd tct crcate a Dictator, which provM of the greatcst Advantage to Vm; but the PJdbeians having obtained the PrlvilJBS of being elected Consul«, could also be elected Biattm; which quite discoacerced the Patricians. See in Mtf Lib. VIII, in what manner P Mitt* Phi to deprcsi'd 'cm ia hi? Dictatorship. He enaaed Three Laws, by which thif AfttivM the highest Prejudice.

Jinquish the rest; and by that stedfast Maxim, of preferring the 'Safety of the Republic to the Prerogatives of any Order or public Employment whatsoever.

In Process of Time, when the Plebians had dej3ress'd the Patricians to such a Degree, that this g Distin<5tion of Families was empty and fruitless, and that both were indiscriminately rais'd to Honours, new Contests arole between the Populace, whom their Tribunes spiritedup, and the chief Families, whether Patrician orPlebian, which latter were styl'd Nobles, and were favoured by the Senate that was compos'd of them: But, as the antient Manners subsisted no more j as partiillar* Persons were posseseM of immense Itifcalth, and that 'tisimpossible bat Wealth most give Power * the Nobles made a stronger Resistance than the Patricians had done, which occcasion'd the Death of the Gracchi^ and of b several Persons who follow'd their Plan.

I must take Notice of an Office which contributed greatly to the happy Polity of Rome > *twas that of the Censors. These

a The Patricians'referred to.diejnsejves on^/ 8 ^cw Offices belonging to the Pricsthood, a«d the Privilege «f creating a Magistrate caird Irtter»r4l&

* As Saturninat and Glaueias,

numbered or survey'd the 'l People ; farther, as the Strength of the Commonwealth consided in the Stridness of Discipline, in the Severity of Manners, and the uninterrupted Observation of certain Customs-, they corrected such Errors and Abuses as the Legislaxive Power had not foreseen, or the ordinary Magistrate k could not punish. Some bad Examples are worse than Crimes, and a Violation of Manners has destroy'd more States, than the Infraction, of Laws: In Rome, whatever might tend to introduce dangerous Novelties, to cro&tte-*** Change in the Minds, or Affections of the Citizen, and prevent, ipl^may uso the Expresslon, the rerpetuitj^^t; all/Disorders, and Tumultsr whetherS^pek or private,

were reformsd by the ^tisera; these^had Authority to expel whomspever they pleas*d the Senate -, cou'd take jfrbm a Knight tfee Horle maintain*d for him at the publick Expence i and degrade a Citizen to the

> The Ctnsus or Suwy of the Cidzens ^tas avei^ prudent Jnstitudon irvk selfi This was th«IteteiL^£the State of -their Affairs, and an enquiry into theif ftgewct. It was founded by Sgrvius TuMius, Wore whom, toprjfn, ing to £«//�<?//*/, Book I. the Ctn/ujwt* unki^a.^«

fc The Reader may see k what manner those^ww^. degraded who, -irflir the Battle of Cann#, were fqr leaving Jtah; those who 4iad surrendrcd to Hannibal* thpso ,who fy an insidioua and'false Interpretation,. had forifthedAheir Word.

Rank of such as contributed to the Maintenance of the Magistrates of the City, without enjoying the Privileges of it; in a word, the Censors took a View of the actual Situation of the Republick, and distrib^uted the People l among their various Tribes in such a Manner, as to pre-

1 The Plebians obtained, in Opposition to the Patricians, that the Laws and Elections of Magistrates mould be made by the Peopk ajTembled by Tribes and hot by Centuries. There were Thirty five Tribes, each of whom gave its Vote; Four belonging to the City, and Thirty on* to the Country. As there were but twoProfessions among the Romans that were honourable, War and Husbandry, the Country1 Tribes were had in greatest Consideration; and the four remaining ones admitted Into their Body that contemptible Part of the Citizens, who having no Lands to cultivate, were, If we may so say, but Cjtizcenj by halves j the j^tett Part of then} did not even go to War, for in the enjMing of Soldiers the iJivision of Centuries was qbserv'cT; and those who were Members of the four City Tribes, were very near the seme with those who in the Division by Centuries we^e of the suth Qass, in which no Pcrson was enrolTd. Thus, it was scarce posSblc for the SufFages to be in the Hands of the populace, who were connVd to their four Tribe* ; but as cve^rcaie committed * thoussMjd Frauds, ibfj the sake of getting out of rhem, the Ccmsora had an? etoppftuaity of reforming tbkAbuse every, five Yeara i awfcthey, incorporated into any Tribe they plcas'd, not only a Citizen, but a|so Bodies and) whole Orders* See the:first Remark of Chapter XL See also Ltofi Lib, I. Dtcad. I, in which the different Divisions of the^eople, made by Servius Tuttius, are very well exp||b^i^ *JJ!was the same Body of the People, but divided, 4tt;V«w rious Resncds.

vent the Tribunes auid Perspijs of an alpiring Temper fromengrossing the Suffrages, or the People from abusing their Po*er.

M, LJVIUS, m ceasiired the People themsel ves, and degraded Thirty four Tribes twt of the Thirty five, to the Rank of those who had no Share in the Privileges of tfce City v for, said this Roman^ you first condemned me, and afterwards rais'd me to the Consulate and the Censorshipv you therefore; must either have prevaricated once in punishing me, or twice, in creating me Consul and afterwards Censor.

M. DURONIUS, n Tribune of die Beo* pie, was expeU'd the Senate by the Ceissor?, for having ai^ni|U'4 when in Office, the Law which ftiats fte Expences of Feasts.

The foitewi^g Ii^:jtiitton was a neqf wisepne* BO° B^^sts^ci^uWfoeto os his Employment, bsrausc that wx^ird have disturb'd the Exercile of the publick Power *, but they diverted such a Mtn of Ms Order and Rank, and deprived as it were, a Citizen of his particukr Nobility^

The Government of fame was wond*»fol in this Respect; ever sincc the Foundation of thft City it's �3ottstkcafoa wasTUtrh, either from the Genius of the People, life Strength of the Senate, or the Authority qf

* Livy. lab, 20.

�» &mw*> L *.

* The Dignity Of Senator was not a publick Office or Jmployracnt.

certain Magistrates, <that every Abuse of Power might always be reformed therein. Cartbage was destroy'd, because when Abuses were to be cut away, the Citizens could not bear the Hand even of their HanibaL Athens fell, because the Errors of the People appear'd so lovely in their own Eyes, that they would not be cur'd of them : and among us, those Italian Republicks which boast the Perpetuity of their Government, ought to boast of nothing but the Perpetuity of their Abuses; nor indeed, do they enjoy greater Liberty ° than Rome did under the Decemviri.

The Briti/h Government is one of the wisestin Europe, because there is a Body which examines it perpetually, and is perpetually examining it self; and it's Errors are of such a Nature, as never to be Jailing, but are frequently of Use by their rouzing the Nation.

In a Word, a free Government, that is to say, one for ever in Motion, cannot support it self, unless it's own Laws are capable of correcting the Disorders of it.

* Nor even greater Fower-


Two Caujes which destroy'd ROME.

WHILST the Sovereignty of Rome was confiri'd to Italy> 'twas easy for the Commonwealth to subsist: Every Soldier was at the same time a Citizen; every Consul rais'd an Army, and other Citizens marched into the Field under his Sudcessbr: As their Forces were not very hi^merous, such * Persons only were r£eeiv*d among the Troops, as had Possessions eohsrderable enough to engage *em to labour at the Preserva tion of the City; the Seriate kept a watchful Eye over the�bndu& of the Generals, and did not give 'em an Oppt&tunity of machinating any thing ta the Prejudice of their Country. ; But after the Legions had pass'd the dig*

and cross'd the Sea, the Soldiers, whom the

a The Freedmen, and such as were call'd CppiMcenJS, (becauie, being polTessVi of little or nothing, they were subje^ to the PoH-.Tax onlv) were not at jfir^ ejttf roll'd among the Land-Forces, except in Cases of Urgent Kecesslty: 'Strtitrr Tult/as had mn\'d 'em in the'^ctli Class, and Soldiers were levied out of the Five first on* ly: But when Marius set out agaiml Jugurtba9 he eil* listed all without Distindion. Milite* scriberet says Salustt non modo majorttm neque ex ClnJJibu^ sed uti cujtijr que libido erat capite ceasoj pleresyttt ^�~ DeBeUo J»gurthin.

Romans had been oblig'd to leave during several Campaigns in the Countries they were subduing, lost insensibly that Genius and Turn of Mind which charadteeriz'd the Roman Citizen; and the Generals having Armies and Kingdoms at their DisposaJ, were sensible of their own Strength, and couM no longer obey,

The Soldiers.therefore began to acknowledge no Superior but their General j to £>und their Hopes on him only, and to view the City as from a great pittance: They were no longer the Soldiers of the Republic, but of SyllU) pf Marius, of Pompey and of Cæsar. The Romans cou*d no longer tell, Y^thgr the P^ribn whjO headed an Army iij ^ Province was; their General or their E-


;Sa Jong as the People of Rome were Corrupted but by their Tribunes, on whom they cpu*d bestow only their Power, the S^jiate cou'd easily defend *emselves, because they acted consistently and with one regular Tenor * whereas the common People were continually shifting from the Extremes of Fury to the Extremes of Cowardice; but when they were enabled to invest their Favourites with a formidable exterior Authority, the whole Wisdom of the Senate was baffled, and the Commonwealth was undone,

The Reason why Free-States are not so

permanent as other Forms of Government, is, *because the Misfortunes and Successes which happen to them, generally occasion the Loss of Liberty; whereas the Successes and Misfortunes of an arbitrary Government, contribute equally to the enslaving of the People. A wise Republic ought not to run any Hazard which may expoie it to good or ill Fortune; the only Happinels the several Individuals of it should aspire after, is, to give Perpetuity to their State.

If the unbounded Extent of the Roman Empire prov'd the Ruin of the Republic, the vast Compass of theCity was no less fatal'to it.

The Romans had subdued the whole Universe by the Assistance of the Nations of Italy, on whom they had bestow'd variousPrivileges at different times; mostof those Nations did not, ac first, set any great Value oa the Freedom of the City of Rome, and some b chose rather to preserve their ancient U-

sages; but when this Privilege became that' of universal Sovereignty; when a Man, who was not a Roman Citizen, was consider'd as nothing; and, with, this Tide, was all


b TheJfyiu&id in their AsTemblics, Thosc in whose Power it was to chuse, have preferred their own .Laws to t^e Freedom of the City of Rome, which was a ne-

^9Lpcwl|y an such« ^^not ««wc it. ih.

Lto. IX.

Things, the People of Italy resolv'd either to be Romans^ or die: Not being able to obtain this by Cabals and Intreaties, they had Recourse to Arms; and c rising in all that part of Italy opposite to the Ionian Sea, the reft of the Allies were going to follow their Example. Rome being now forc'd to combat against those who were, if I may be ailow'd the Figure, the Hands with which they shackled the Universe, was upon the Brink of Ruin : The Romans were going to be confin'd merely to their Walls; they therefore granted this so much wiih'd-for"1 Privilege, to Allies, who had not yet been wanting .in fidelity; and they indulg'd it, by insensible Degrees, to all other Nations". '

But5 now Rome was no longer that City, tfe Inhabitants of which had breathed orre anilthe same Spirit, the same Love for Liberty, the same Hatred of Tyranny; a City, in which a Jealousy of the Power of the Seriate and of the Prerogatives of the Great, (ever accompany^! with?RcspeA,) ,was only a Love 6f Equality. The Nations of I-



« The dsculani, the Mar/?, the Vtsinl^ the Marrutitii, the Fertntinates* the nirpini, the Pompeians, the Ftntisini, the Japigtt* the Lucani, the Samnites and other Nations. dppian> de Belly ewii Lib. \. H

d The Tustarts, the Umbri, the Latins. This proaHpMtcd.some Nations to submit themselves; and as wese were also made Citizens, others liewise laid down their

� 4 .«**,-< %

taly e being made Citizens of Rome? every. City brought thither its Genius, its particular Interests, and its Dependence on some mighty Protector: Rome being now rent and divided, no longer form'd one entire Body; and as Men were no longer Citizens of it, but in a kind of ficthious Way; as there were no longer the same Magistrates, the same Walls, the same Gods, the same Temples, the same Burying-places; Rome was no longer beheld with the lame Eyes; the Citizens were no longer fir'd with the same Love for their Country, and the Roman Sentiments were obliterated.

Cities and Nations were now invited-1<5 Rome by the Ambitious, to disconcert 'the Suffrages, or influence them in *heir &9jj& Favour; the publick Asibmblies were so

many Conspiracies agakist the State, and a tumultuous Crowd of seditious Wretches were dignified with the Title of Gomitia. The Authority of the People and their Laws, nay that People rhemseLves,^wei5e> no more than so many Chimaeras^nd i<> universal .was the Ai&reby of those:Timesr

Arms, so that at last there remam'd only the Samnites, wj«) were extirpated.

? Let the Reader .figure to himsejf this monstrous Hea4 .form'd of ,all tjje Rations of frafy,. which, by |he Suffrage of every Individual,* gov^rnu the rest of tne' WdlMr

that it was not possible to determine whether the People had rriade a Law or not.

Authors enlarge very*copionOy on the Divilions which prov'd the Destruction of Rome, but their Readers seldom discover those Divisions to have been always necessary and inevitable. The Grandeur of the Republick was the only Source of that Calamity, and exasperated popular Tumults into Civil Wars. Dissensions were not to be prevented, and those martial Spirits, which were so fierce and formidable abroad, could not be habituated to any considerable Moderation at home. Those who expect in a free State, to see the People undaunted in War and pusdiaoimous in Peace, are certainly desirous of Impossibilities, and it may

see advanced as a general Rule, that when ever a perfect Calm is visible, in a State that calls it self a Republick, the Spirit of Liberty no longer subsists.

' Union, in a Body Politick, is a very equivocal Term: True Union is such a Harmony as makes all the particular Parts, as qpposite as they may seern to us, concur to tne general Welfare of the Society, in the same Manner as Discords in Musick cojitribijte to the general Melody of Sound. Union may prevail in a State foil of seemirig Commotions j or, in other Words,^thpre may be an Harmony from whence re&te Prosperity, which ame is true Peace, and

may be copsider'd in the same View, as the various Parts of this Universe* which are e* ternally conne&ed by the Operations of some and the Reactions of others.

In a Despotic State indeed, which is every Government where the Power is immoderately exerted, a real Diyision is per* patually kindled. The Pea&nt, the Soldier, the Merchant, the Magistrate and the Grandee have no other Conjunction than what arises from the Ability of the one to oppress the other, without Kesistance; and if at any time a Union happens to be introduced, Citizens are not then united, but dead Bodies areuaid la the, Grave contigu- ous to each other>

It must be acknowledged thai the Romau Laws were top weak* (;o gqvern the Repybe^ lick: But Experience has prov'd it to bean invariable Fact, that good Laws, which raife the Reputation and Power of a small Republick* become incommodious to it, when once its Grandeur is establistx'd, because i| was their natural EfFect to make a great People, but not to govern them*

The Difference is very considerable betwee*n good Laws, and those which may be called convenient; between such Laws as give a People Dominion over others, and such as continue them in the Possession of Power, when they have once &cquir*d it.

There is at this time a Republickf in the World, of which few Persons have any Knowledge, and which; by Plans accomplish'd in Silence and Secresy, is daily enlarging its Power. And certain it is, that if it ever rises to that Height of Grandeur for which it seems preordain'd by its Wisdom, it must inevitably change its Laws, and the necessary Innovations will not be effected by any Legislator, but must spring from Corruption it self.

Rome was founded for Grandeur, and its Laws g had an admirable Tendency to bestow it; for which Reason, in all the Variations of her Government, whether Monarchy, Aristocracy, or Popular, Ihe constantly ^igag'd in Enterprizes which required Condtlit to accomplish, and always lucceeded. The Experience of a Day did not furnisfl her with more Wisdom than all other Nations, b&t Ihe obtain'd it by a long Succession of Events. She sustain'd a small, a moderate, and an immense Fortune with tKe sahieSu-

f The Canton of Bern.

g TJie Rmw Government has been thought defcdlivc by. some, because Jt was an Intermixture of Monarchy, Aristocracy, «nd popular Authority. But the Pcrfeaion of a '(JoVernment does ndt consist in its 6onformity to any particular Plan to be found in the Writings 'ff ro{idcian&; jbut in Jcs Cprr<s^)onjience to th^ Yfew8 cver^ lig^litorpu^ht to entertain for the Granctor pd Feliwcity of'a'Beople7 WAS not the Government owparta coinpo&'d of Three Branches ?

periority, derived true Welfare from the whole Train of her Prosperities, and refined every Instance of Calamity into beneficial Instructions.

She lost her Liberty, because she cpmpleated her Work too soon.


Of the Corruption of the ROMANS.

I AM of Opinion that the Sed of Epicur ruS) which began to be propagated; at Rome, towards the Close of the Republic, was, very prejudicial to the Minds and Genius of the People *. The Greeks had bee^ infatuated with its Doctrines long betee> and consequently, were corrupted much earlier than the Romans. We are a ssu red by Polybius, b that Oaths, in his Time,


* Cyneas having discoursed of the Do&rines of thjs Sect, at the Table of Pyrrhus, Fabrictus said, he wish'd the Enemies of Rome would all embrace such kind of Principles.: Life of,Pyrrhus.

b If you lend a Talent to a Greek, and bind him to the Repayment, by Ten Engagements, with as many Securities, and Witnesses to the Loan, it is impossible to make them regard their Word; Whereas, among the Romans, whether it be owing to their Obligation of accounting for the public and private Money, they are always punctual to the Oaths they have taken. For which RSlon,. the Ap|>rehensions of infernal Torments were wisely established, and it is altogether irrational" to opposc them at this Time. ?ohb. I. VI.

could not induce any Person to place Confidence in a Greek) whereas they were consider'd by a Roman as* inviolable Obligations upon his Cpnscience.

There is a Passage in one ofdttro's Letters to c AtticuS) which manifestly discovers how much the Romans had degenerated in this Particular, since the Time of Polybius.

Memmius, says he, imparted to the Senate the Agreement he and his Fellow Candidate had made with the Consuls, by which these stipulated to favour the others in their Solicitations for the Consullhip the ensuing Year; and these oblig'd themselves to pay Four, hundred thousand Sesterces to the Consuls, if they did not furuish them with Three Augurs, who should declare they themsehres were present when the People made the Curiatian Lawd, tho* in reality it had not been enacted; and Two former Consuls, who should affirm they had assisted at signing the EdicT: of the Senate which regulated the State of the Provinces aligned to the present Consuls, notwith-

« Lib. IV. tit. 18.

d The Curiatian Law dispos'd of the military Power, and the Edi& of the Senate regulated the Troops, the Money and Officers, that were to be allotted to tne Governors: Now the Consuls, in order to aqcomplish these Particulars) to their own Satisfaction, contriv^ ,a wise Law and a false Edicl of the Senate.

standing no such Edict was in Being. Whatan admirable Set of People do we discover in a single Contract!

As Religibn dWays fomishes thfcfofesttSecurity for the Rectitude of hurras Aclaons,

so there was this Peculiarity among the Romans, that the Love they �Xpress*d for their Country, was blended with some particular Sentiment of Devotion. That mighty City, founded in the most auspickws Period; the Great Romulus, at once their Monarch and their God; the Capitol, esteenVd as eternal as the City, and the City, reputed as eternal as its Founder, had anciently struck such Impressions on the Minds of the R0mans, as migftt well be wilh'd to have been constantly retained.

The Grandeur of the State? in geaeral* constituted the Greatness of its particular Members; but as Affluence consists in Cdnduct, and not in Riches; that Wealth of the Romans, which had certain Limitations* introduced £ Luxury and Profusion which had no Bounds. Thosc who had been at first corrupted by their Oppulence, receiv'd the same Taint in their Poverty, by aspiring after Acquisitions, that no way comported with private Life > it was dijfficult to be a good Citizen, under the Influence of strong Desires and the Regret of a large Fortune thar had been lost: People, in this SitUa-

tion, were prepar'cT for any desperate Attempt * and as Salust * says, there was, at that time, a Generation of Men, who, as they had no Patrimony of their own, could not endure to see others less necejlitous than themselves.

But as great soever as the Corruption of Rome might then be, all its calamitous Effects were not introduced among the People, for the Efficacy of those Institutions, by which they were originally establish'd, was

so extraordinary, that they always preferred an heroic Fortitude, and devoted themielves, with the greatest Application, to War, amidst all the Softenings of Luxury and Pleasure; which seems, to me, to be a Circumstance, in which they were never iii»0ated by ai?y Nation in the World. . ^The Romans were not sollicitous to imp£0ye Commerce, or cultivate the Sciences, but ranked them among the Attentions proper for Slaves fi we may except, indeed,

c Ut merito dicatur genitts esse, qui nee ipjt babere pojsint vos ftwiiliaresy nee aliis pati. Fragment of Sa~ tusi cited by Augustin in his Book Of the City of God, L II, c, 18.

* Cic. L. I. c. 42 'Offic. llliberatcs & sordidi qutfjtus Mercenariorum omnium quorum opera, non quqrum artes emuntur: est enim illis ipsn merces auctoramentbm servitutis. The Merchants, adds that Author, raise nO:PfoUi, unlds they falsify their Word. Agriculture i§ the

some particular Persons, who had receiv'd their Freedom, and persisted ,iri .their former Industry. Bur their Knowledge, in ge_neral, was confined to the Art of "\$[ar, which was the only Track g by which they could arrive at Promotions in the Magistracy, and other Stations of Honour;

for which Reason, their military ^Virtues subsisted after all the rest were extingai* shed.

noblest of all Arts, and most worthy of a Man in a State, of Freedom.

8 They were obliged to serve Ten Years, between' the/Age of Sixteen Years and Forty Seven. PM. L. VI.




IlAtreat the Reader's Permission to turn my Eyes from the Horrors of the Wars between Marius and Sylla \ Appian has collected all the dreadful Particulars into his History: Besides the Jealousy, Ambition and Barbarity of the Two Chiefs, each particular Roman was infatuated v ith Fury; the ijew Citizen? *, and the ancient, no longer consider'd each other as Members of the same Republick, but gave a Loose to a Series of Hostilities, so peculiar in their Nature, as to comprehend all the Miseries of a Civil and Foreign War.

Sylla made several good Laws, and reduced the Power of the Tribunes; to which we may add, that the Moderation or Caprice which induced him to Fesign the Dictatorship, re-establilhcd the Senate, for

* Marius* in order to obtain a Commission for carrying on the War against Mitbridatet, in Prejudice of $y///s Pretensions, had, by the Concurrence of Sulpicius the Tribune, incorporated the Eight new Tribes e>f the People of Italy, into the ancient, which rendred the Italians Matters of the Suffrages; and the Ge&iriJity of thft People espoused the Part^ of Marius, whilsc the Senate arid1 the ancient Citizens engag'd in the Intcrest ofSjt/a.

some time; but, in the Fury of hisSuccess, he suffer'd himself to be hurried into Two Actions, which, in their Consequences, made it impossible for Rome to preserve her Liberty.

He distributedb the Lands of the Citizens among his Soldiers, and, by that Proceeding, corrupted them for ever; because, from that Moment, there was not one of the military Prosession who did not wait for an Opportunity of seizing the Effects of his Fellow-Citizens.

He was likewise the Inventor of Proscri,ptions, and set a Price on the Head of every Man who had not embrac'd his Party* From that time, it became impossible for any one to be devoted to the Republic; for whilst two ambitious Men were contending for Superiority, those who observ'd a'Neutrality, or were attached to the Cause of Liberty, were sure to be proscrib'd by either of the Competitors who should prove vidtorious', it therefore became prudent to engage in one of the two Parties.

As the Republick was fated to Destru&ion, the only material Qucstion was, who Ihould have the Credit of overwhelming it. 6

b At the Beginning of the Wars, the Lands of tfce IjJMUmM Enemies were parcsH'd among the Arftiy, btft ^pr made the same Division of those which bdone'd to tUs Citizens. *

Two Men equally ambitious, -with this Exception, that the one knew how to proceed directly to his Purpose better than the other, eclipsed, by their'Reputation, their Exploits and their Virtues, all the rest of the Citizens; Pompey made the first Appearance in the Scene of Action, and Cæsar immediately followed him.

POMPEY, to render himself popular, had disannulled the Laws of Sylla which limitted the Power of the People, and when he had sacrificed the mosc ialutary Laws of his Country, to his particular Ambition, he bbtain'd all he desired, and the rash Indifcretion of the Populace was altogether unbounded in his Faveur.

The Roman Laws had wisely parcell'd out the public Power into several Magistracies, which mutually snpported as well as reitrained and tempered each other; and as the Power of all, who enjoyed those Promotions, was confin'd to a proper Extent, every Citizen was qualify'd for a Station of that Nature; and the People, seeing Numbers of such Persons passing away in Succession, were not habituated to any particular Magistrate among them. But, in the Times we are now describing, the Plan of Government was changed; the most potent Competitors obtain'd extraordinary Commillions from the People, which ajnuhilatqd" the Authority of the Magistrates, aad

drew all the great Affiurs into the Hands of one Man, or a Few.

Was War to be preelaim'd against Sertorius ? Pompey was nominated to command the Army. Were the Romans to march against Mithridales? Every Voice called aloud for Pompey. Did it become necessary to transmit Corn to Rome? The People would have given it over for lost, had not Po?njjey been entrusted with the Importation. Were the Pyrates to be destroy'd ? Who so proper for that Expedition as Pomfey? And when Cæsar himself threatned Rome with an Invasion, the Senators cried out, in their Turn, and placed all their Confidence in Pompey. A,I.aita''willing to believe (HudMarcus* to the People) mdt this Pompey; wheels so* much carek'd by the Nobility, is more secure your Liberty,, than he is to countenance their Authority over you: But there was a Time, when each Individual among you was. protend by Fevexal, arf#.'|56tltM.W^ People by

oni Person; and when it itas never known, thstt a^HkleMan either gave or took away Tilings of so much Consequence.

As Rome was form'd for Grandeur, it b^ame necessary to unite the Honours and Powser in the same Persons, wHich1 in im-'

c fcagment of &/ust.

quiet Times would fix the Admiration of the People on one particular Citizen.

When Honours are granted, the Givers knowexactly what they bestow; but when Power is added to the Donation, they can never be certain how far it will be extended.

Immoderate Preferences given to a Citizen, in a Republick, are always productive of necessary Effe&s ; they either raise Envy in the People, or make thrir Affection overflow all Bounds.

When Pompey returned twice to Rome^ in a Condition to enslave the Republick, he had the Moderation to disband his Armies, before he entered the City; and then he *nade his Appearance with the Air of a common Citizen: These Instances of % disinterested Behaviour, which compfeate$ all h|PGlory, did not fail, in their Consequen* ces, to make the Senate always declare in his Favour, when ever he attempted any Thing prejudicial to the L^ws.

The Ambition of Pompey was more wjactive and gentle than that ofCæsar.. This Warrioutr resolved like Sytta* to q|jgn himself a Passage to sovereign Power, W Arm$» but Pompey grew displeased at sucl^a Method of Oppression; he aspired, lnd^^ to the Dictatorship, but was willin^to;^c it to the Suffrages of the People; not resolve to uTurp Power, bittwodBwMte

been glad to have had it tendered to him as a Gift.

As the Favour of the People is always in a fluctuating State, there were some Seasons, wherein Pompey beheld his Reputation in a declining Condition ; d and it affe<5led him in the most tender Part, to see

the very Persons he despised, make Advances in Popularity, and then employ it against him.

This led him into three Actions e-

qually fatal; he corrupted the People with Money, and fixed a Price, in the Elections, on the Suffrage of each Citizen.

He employed the vilest of the Populace to incommode the Magistrates, in the Exercise of their Functions, in Hopes* that wise People, growing weary of living in a State of Anarchy, would be urged by EtesT pair to create him Di&ator.

In a Word, he united his Interests, with those of Cæsar and Crassus: CcAo said, their Union and not their Enmity destroyed the Republick; and in Reality, it was then reduced to such an unhappy State^ that it received less Injury from.civil Wars than by a Peace which, as it conjoined the Views, and Interests of the leading Men, so it naturally introduced Tyranny in the Government.

*: Sec Plutmk,

Pompey did not properly lend his Reputation to Cæsar^ but sacrificed it to his Cause, without knowing what he did ; and Cæsar^ in return, employed all the Power he had received from Pompey to the Prejudice of the Donor, and even played off his own Artifices against him : He disordered the City by his Emissaries; he made himself Master of all Elections; and Gonsuls, Praetors and Tribunes purcl.ased their Promotions, at their own Price.

The Senate, who easily penetrated into Ccrsar's Dtsigns , had Recourse to Pompey^ and intreated him to undertake the Defence tfTfhe Republick, if that Name might properly be-given to a Government which implored Protection of one of its Citizens.

I am of Opinion, that what contributed rnost to Pompey's Destructibn, was the Slsame tnat affected him, when he grew sensible that by raising Cæsar as he had done, he had committed a fatal Oversight; but he suffered this Consideration to prevail as late us possible, and did not prepare for his Defence, left he should be obliged to acknowledge himself in Danger. He asscrted before the Senate that Ccssar durst not engage in a War, and because he had made such a Declaration several Times, he always per* listed in repeating it.

One Circumstance seems to have capacitated Cæsar for any undertaking, and that

was the unhappy Conformity of Names; the Senate had added to his Goverment of the Cisalpine Gaul, all that Part of Gaul which was distinguished by the Name of Transalpine.

As the Politicks of those Times did not permit Armies to be stationed near Rome,

so neither would they suffer Italy to be en- tirely destitute of Troops; for which Reason, considerable Forces were quartered in � Cisalpine Gaul, a Country which extends from the Rubicon, a little River in Romania, to the Alps: But in Order to secure the City of Rome against those Troops, the Senate passed that famous Edict, which is strll to be seen engraven, in the Road near-jR&w/wV ,by which they solemnly devoted to the infernal Gods, and branded with Sacrilege and Parricide any Person whatever, wh6 should presume to pass the Rubicon, with an Army, a Legion, or a smgle Cohort.

To a Government of that Importance as to keep the City in awe, another wasadde.d which proved still more considerable, and that was all the Transalpint Gaul\> which comprehended the Southern Parts* ofFrame^ where Cæsar had for several Years an Opportunity of prosecuting War agamst as many Nations as he plea sed; by which means* h& Soldiers advanced in Years as well -as- hicm& self, ^-nd/were conquered by him, in their T«jf»5 as vftW as she Bavarians. Ha<i C^

Jar not been intruded with the Government of Transalpine Gaul, he could not have corrupted his Troops, nor Tendered his Name venerable to them by so many Victories; and had he not enjoyed Cisalpine Gauly Pompey might have stop'd him at the Pass of the Alp^ whereas he was compelled to retire from Italy^ when the War began, which made him lose among his own Party that Reputation which, in Civil Wars, is the very Soul of Power.

The same Consternation, which Hannilal diffused through Rome^ after the Battle of Cann&i was spread by Cæsarover all that City, when he had passed the Rubicon. Pmpty was so confounded, that he became incapable, even in the first Moments of th6 War, of forming any Design but such as is usually suggested in the most desperate Conjunctures. He could only retire, and trust to Flight. Accordingly he left Rome and the publick Treasure; and as he was in no Condition to retard the Conqueror, he forsook Part of his Troops, abandoned all Italy and crossed the Sea.

Cesar's Fortune has been greatly celebrated; but this extraordinary Man enjoyed sa many great Qualities, without the Intermixture of a Deim, tho* he had several vicious Inclinations, that he would hive bet& victorious at the Head of any Army fe£ had commanded, and would hay^ govern ,

ed in any Republick that hadgbeh him Birth.

When he had defeated Pompey's Lieutenants in Spain, he passed into Greece to seek Pompey himself; and this General, who had po&essed himself of the Sea Coasts> and was Matter of a superiour Fdrce, was on the Point of beholding Cæsar's Army de~ stroyed by Misery and Famine. But as the Desire of Approbation was his predominant Frailty he could not forbear giving Attention to some vain Speeches e of those about him, who were perpetually blaming hh Conduct, and mortifying him with their Jests. This General, says one, would perpetuate his Command, and be a new King of Kings, like Agamemnon : I assure you, replies another, we shall not eat any Tup culum Figs this Year. A few Encounters in which he had succeeded, quite intoxicated the Heads of this Senatorial Host; and Pompey, to avoid Censure, gave into an Indiscretion which Posterity will ever blame $ he resolved to sacrifice all the Advantages he had then obtain'd, and marched at the Head of undisciplined Troops to engage an Army that had been so frequent* ly victorious.

When the (battered Remains of Pharsaiia, were withdrawn into Africa, Sciflo,


* See Plutarch's Life of Pompey.

who then commanded them, refused to follow Cato's Advice, for protracting the War. He grew elated with a few Instances of Success; he riskAl all, and immediately lost all he had risk'd ; and when Brutus and Cossins reestablished that Party, the some Precipitation destroyed the Republick a third Time f.

'Tis observable, that in the long Course of thde Civil Wars, the Power of Rome was continually extending in foreign Parts, tinder Marius, Sylla, Pompey, Cæsar, Anthony^ and Augustus \ and that mighty City, growing daily more formidable, compleated the Destruction of all the Kings who presumed to resill her.

No State threatens its Neighbours with Conquest, so much as that which is involved in the Horrors of Civil War: In such a Season, the Nobility, the Citizens, the Artisans, the Peasants, and, in (hort, the whole Body of the People become Soldiers \ and when Peace has united all the contending Parties, this State enjoys great Advantages over others, whose Subjects are generally Citizens. Besides, Civil Wars always produce great Men, because, in theuniversal Confusion which then reigns, those who*

f This is well clewed up in Appian's History of the Civil War. 1. 4. The Army of Ottai-ius and Anthony would have pcristasd by Fajnine, if their Enemies h^d not given them Battle."

are distinguished by any particular Merit, have a favourable Opportunity of limiting themselves conspicuous: Each of th^se Persons ranges himself in a suitable Situation, whereas, in Times of Peace, they are stationed by others, and generally very injudiciously. We shall pass from the R&manS) and inquire for Instances of this Truth, in Nations that are more modern ^ and among these, France was never so formidable abroad, as after the Contentions between the Houses of Burgundy and Orleans^ after the Troubles of the lieague, after the Civil \yars in the Minority of Lewis the thirteenth, and after the n^tional Dissensions in the Nonage of Lewis the* Fourteenth. England was never so much respe<5bed as in the Time of Cromwell? after the Wars of the long Parliament. Tlie Germans did not gain their Superiority over the Turks^ till after the Civil Wars of the Empire. The Spaniards, under Philip the Fifth, and immediately after -the Civil. Wars that were kfndled by the Successibn, invaded Sicily with such a Force (as astonished all Europe; and we now see the Persi~ ( am rising from the Ashcs of a Civil War,, and humbling the Ottoman Power.

In a Word, the Republick was at last; enslaved, and we arc not to charge that Calamity on the Ambition of particular Persons, but should rather impute it to. the

Disposition of Man in general, whose era* vings after Power, are always most insatiable, when he enjoys the greatest Share, and who only desires the whole, because he possesses a large Part.

If the Sentiments of Ccesar and Pompey had reTembled those of Cato* others would have had the same ambitious Thoughts as Pompey and Ctzsar discovered -9 and since the Republick Was fated to fall, it would have been dragged to the Precipice by some other Hand.

Cæsar pardon'd every mortal; but the Moderation People discover when they have usurped all, seems t6 be no extraordinary Accomplishment.

Tho* he has been much commended for being indefatigable, after the Battle of Pbarsalia^ yet Cicero^ very justly, accuses him of Rcmisshess. He tells Caj/ius g they never could have imagined Pompey's Party would have revived so considerably in Spain and Africa; and that if they could have foreseen that Cæsar would have amused himself in his Alexandrian War, they would tiat have made their Peace with him as t^ey did, but would have followed Scipio and Cato into Africa. And thus a weak Passion for a Woman made him engage in fipur Wars, and by not foreseeing the two last,

t Familiar Letters, 1. 15.

he hazarded alj. he had gained at Pbarsalia.

Ccesar governed at first, with the Tides of the Magistracy, for nothing affects Mankind more than Names; and as the Asiaticks abhorred those of Consul and Proconsul, the Europeans detested that of King;

so that those Titles constituted at that Time, the Happiness or Despair of all the Earth, He made some Overtures to have the Diadem placed on his Head; but when he grew sensible that the People discontinued their Acclamations, he thought fit to reject it. He likewise made ©ther Attempts, h and it is not to be comprehended, how he could believe that the Romans^ because they suffered him to be ,a Tyrant, should be fond of Tyrannical Power, or could even give credit to what they theraselves had done,

One Day, when the Senate tendered him some particular Honours, he neglected to rise from his Seat, and, from that Moment, �the gravest Members of that Body lost all Patience,

Mankind are always most offended at any Trespass on the Ceremonials and Punctilios they expe<5h If you endeavour tooppress them, it sometimes passes for a Proof of the Esteem you entertain for them, but

h He atoWbed the Office of Tribunes of the


a Violation of their Decorums is always an Instance of Contempt.

Cæsar, who was a constant Enemy to the Senate, could not conceal the mean Opinion he entertained of that Body, who had almost rendered themselves ridiculous % when they were no longer in Posiession of Power: For which Reason even his Clemency was an Insult, and it became evident that he only pardoned because he scorned to punish.

We may see, in the Letters k of some great Men of that Time, tho5 they pass'd Under Cicero's Name, because most of them were written by him1, into what Dejection arid Despair Persons of the first Rank in the Republick, were sunk by this sudden Revolution, which diverted them of their Honours and even their Employments;

1 C#sar formed the Ediclsof the Senate himself and subscrited jhem with the Names of the first Senators

-ijbSpfC?1^'t0 think on< Cicero> in the ninth Book of familiar Letters, writes to this Effect, 1 having been sometimes informed that an Edict of the Senate, passed "Wyffhy Consenrhas been transmitted to Syria and Armtqita, before I had any Knowledge that it was-made,' ^and several Princes have sent me Letters of Acknowledgment for my Consent, to allow them the Title of Kings/ when at thcTame time, 1 was so far fro.n knowing them 'to be Kuigs, till that Moment, that r*cven ha'd not heard there were any such Persons in the World.

1 'See' the tetters of Ctero'and 'Sehius Sulpicw.

when the Senate having no longer any; Functions to perform, that Reputation they had acquired through all the World, was now to be dispensed from the Cabinet of one Man. This State of Affairs appears ifi a much better Light in those Letters, than in any Relations of Historians, and they are the most masterly Representation of the ingenuous Turn of Mind of a set of People united by a common Affliction, and give us a compleat Portrait of an Age wherein a false Politeness had not infected all Society with Insincerity and Untruth. In a Word, they are not^written, like our Modern Letters, with a View to deceive^ btft are the faithful Intercourse;of Friends who communicated ail they knew.

It was hardly possible for Cesar, in his Situation, to preserve his Life : T^he Generality of the Conspirators aeaiinst him, were of his Party *, or had received many gteat Obligations from him, and the Hsascn of their Intention to asshsTmate hht^ls very natural; they had gained signal Advantages by his Conquest, but the more their Fortune improved, the greater was their Share of the common Calamity; and to those who have not any thing they can property-call

1 Decimus Brutus, Cains Cas«j, Trebonius, Tulliuy Cix&er, . Minutius Basil/us wereC<*/'arts Friends. -4jv pian, de bello m>ilt. I 2.

their own, it seems in some Particulars, to be of little Consequence under what Government they live.

Besides, there was a certain Law of Nations, or a settled Opinion which prevailed in all the Republicks of Greece and Italy^ and ascribed the Character of a vertuous Man to the Person who should assassinate any one who had usurped the sovereign Power. Rome had been extremely fond of this Notion, ever since the Expulsion of her Kings; the Law was very express -9 the Examples had a general Approbation; the Republick put a Sword into the Hand of every Citizen, * constituted him >their l^agtstrate for a few Moments, and acknowledged him for their Defender.

Brutus * was bold enough to tell hia Friends, that seould his own Father return from the Grave, he would sacrifice him to the publick good, with as little Remorse as he stab'd Cæsar; and tho* by the Continuaiice of Tyranny, this sarprizing Spirit of Liberty had gradually lost its Vigour, yet the ConYpiracies, at the beginning of Anguskuss Reign, were perpetually reviving.

The ancient Romans were animated by a predominant Love for their Country,

m See the Letter of Brutus in the Collection of Cheris Letters.

which acting by a Variation from the. common Ideas of Crimes and Vertues, was only attentive to its own Dictates, and in the Fervours of its Operation, entirely disregarded Friends and Citizens, Fathers and IJenefactors. Vertue stemed to have forgotten her own Precepts with a Resolution to surpass her self, and when an Action seemed too severe to be immediately considered. with Approbation, Ihe soon caused it to be admired as divine.

In a Word, did not the Guilt of Ctesar, who lived in a free Government, consist in placing himself out'of the reach of all Punishments but an Altassination ? And when we ask why he was not opposed by open Force, or the Power of the La^rs, do we not at the same Time demand Satisfadiok for his Crimes ? i



Observations on the State of ROME after the

Death ofCgzsar.

SO impossible was it for the Republick to accomplish its Reestabliihment, that a Conjuncture then happened which was never known before; there was no longer any Tyrant, and yet Liberty was extinguished ; for the Causes which had contributed to its Destruction, still subsisted to prevent its Revival/

The Assassim had only formed the Plan of a Conlpiracy, but had not taken any Measures to render it effectual in the Event.

When they had struck the Blow, they all retired to the Capitol; the Senate forbore to assemble, and the next Day Lepidus, who was fond of Commotions, took PosTession of the Forumy with a Band of Soldiers at ,his Devotron.

The Veteran Troops, who were apprehensive that the imtnense Donations they had received, wo4Id be no longer repeated* had marched into Rome: This Proceeding, compelled the Senate to approve all the Acts of C#/&r, and then, by a Faculty of reconciling Extremes, they granted a gene-

ral Amnesty to the Conspiratbrs, which produced a false Appearance 6f Peace.

Casa'r, a little before his Death; whilst he was preparing for his Expedition against the Partbians^ had appointed Magistrates for several Years, that he might secure himself a Set of Men who, in his Absence, would maintain the Tranquillity of his Government; so that, after his Death, the Party whb had espOused his Interest, were in a Condition to support themselves for a considerable Time.

As the Seriate had ratified all the Acts of Ccesar without anjr Restridtion, and as the Consuls were intrusted with their Execution, Anthony who was thenpneof those Magistrates, got Possessioh ofCtesar'sBook of Accounts, gained upon his Secretary,* and made him insert, in that Book, all the Articles he thought proper, by whiqh means the Dictator reigned more imperiously than when he was living; for what he could not accomplish himself, Anthony had the Dexterity to effedr; great Sums of Money, which Ccesar had never bestowed, were distributed among the People by Anthony* and every Man who had any seditious Designs against the Government, was sure to find a sudden Gratuity in C^sai?$ Books.

It unfortunately happened that Cæsar, to make his Expedition effe&ual, had a-

niass'd prodigious Sums, and deposited them ia, the Temple of Ops -9 Anthony disposed of these as ha thought fit, by the Jnsh;umentaJity of his Book.

The Conspirators had, at firfl^ determined <to cast the Body of Cæsar into the Tyber% and might have executed that Design without any Interruption; for in those Seasons of Astonilhment which succeed unexpedied Events, every Intention becomes practicable: This however did not take Effect:, and we shall now relate what happened on that Occasion.

The Senate thopght themselves under a Necessity of permitting Cæsar's Funeral Obsequies to be performed j and indeed they could not decently forbid them, as they had never declared him a Tyrant. Now the Romans, in Conformity to a Custom establish'd among them, and much boasted of by Polybius^ always carried, in their Funeral Processions* the Images which represented the Ancestors of the Deceas*d, and made an Oration over the Body. Anthony^ who charg*d himself with this last Province, unfolded the bloody Robe of Cæsar to the View of 'all the reople, read to them the Particulars of Kis Will, in which he had

* That A&ion would not have been unprecedented; jfbr when T&frivs Qrace&tts was slain, Lxcretiw the Edile, who was afterwards called /^///^ threw his Bo* 4y into the Tyber. Attrel Victor. de Viris iltu/l. t

left them extraordinary Legacies, and then wrought them into such violent Emotions, that they immediately fired the Houses of the Conspirators.

Cicero, who governed the Senate in this whole Affair0, makes no Scruple to acknowledge that it would have been much better to have proceeded with Vigour, and even to have exposed themselves to Destruction, tho* indeed it was not probable that such a Fate would have attended them ; but he alledges for his Excuse, that as the Senate was then assembled, they had no Opportunity in their Favour; and he adds, that those who are sensible of the Importance e\cen of a Moment, in Affairs wherein the People have so considerable a Part, will riot be surpriz'd at his Conduit in that Transa&ion.

Another Accident happened at this time -9 for .when the People were celebrating Funeral Games in Honour to Cæsar, a Comet with long flaming Hair, appeared for die space of Seven Days, which made them be* heve me Sdiil of Cæsar was received into Heaven,

It was very customary for the People 6f Gmce and Asia, to erest Temples p to the

« Lettera 10 Attieus* Lib. XIV. c. 6. P Sec more on this Subject, in the Letters of C/V/r? to 4tti<ust I, V. and the jRcmark of the AbbS de Mm-


Kings, and even the Proconsuls who had governed them; ahd they were indulged in this Practice, becauseut was the greatest Evidence they could possibly give of their abject Servitude. Nay the Romans themselves might, in their private Temples where their Tjares were deposited, render divine Honours to their Ancestors; but I cannot remember, that from the Time of Romulus to Julius Cæsar, any Roman q was ever rank'd among the Gods of the Republick.

The Government of Macedonia was assign'd to Anthony^ but he was desirous of changing it for that of Gaul, and the Motives which so induced him are very evident: Decimus Brutus,who governed Ctsalpine Gaul, having refus'd to resign that Province to Anthonyi he was resolv'd to deprive him of it by Force. This produc'd a Civil War, in which the Senate declar'd Anthony an Enemy to his Country.

Cicero^ to accomplish the Destrudtion of Atiihony his mortal Enemy, was so injudicious as to employ all his Interelt for the Proijrotion of Octavlus, and instead of defacing tfee Idea of One Cæsar in the Minds 6f the People, he placed Two before their Eyes.

<! Dion relates that the Triumviri, who all expelled the same Deification, tdok all imaginable Care to enlarge the Honours paid to Cæsar.

Octavius? in his Conduct to Cicero, a&ed like a Man who knew the WorJd; he flatter'd, he prais'd, he consultedf him, and employ'd every engaging Artijke, which Vanity never distrusts.

Great Affairs are frequently disconcerted, because those who undertake them seldom confine their Expectations to the principal Event, but look after some little particular Success which sooths the indulgent Opinion they entertain of themselves. «

I am inclin'd to think, that if Cato had reserv'd himself for the Republick, he would have given a very different Turn to Affairs. Cicero had extraordinary Abilities for the Second Class, but was incapable of the Firstr. His Genius was fine, but his Soul seldom

soar'd above the Vulgar. His Characterististic was Virtue; that of Cato Gloryf. Cicero always beheld himself in the First Rank; Cato never allow'd his Merit a Place in his Remembrance. This Man would have preserv'd the Republick for its awn Sake;, dye other, that he might have boasted of the Adion.

I might carry on the Parallel by adding, that when Cato foresaw, Cicero was intimidated ; and when the former hoped, the latter

f EJsi quam videri bonus malebat; Itaque quo mi$us gloriam pettbat, eo magi* il/am assequebatur. Salluil. bell. Cati!.

»was confident. Cato beheld things through a serene Medium; Cicero view'd them thrti* a Glare of little Passions.

Anthony was defeated at Modena, where the Two Consuls, Hirtius and Pansa^ lost tjieir Lives: The Senate, who thought themselves superior to their tumultuous Affiiirs, began to think of humbling Octavius, who now ceas'd his Hostilities against Anthony', march'd his Army to Rome, and caus'd himself to be declar'd Consul.

In this manner did Cicero^ who boasted that his Robe had crush'd the Arms of Anthony ^ .introduce an Enemy into the Republick, the more formidable because his Name was much dearer to the People, and his Pretensions, to all Appearance, better founded8 .

Anthony', after his Overthrow, retired into Transalpine Gaul^ where he was receiv'd by Lepidus; these two Men entred into an Assbciation. with Octavius, .and reciprocally ofFer'd each other the Lives of their Friends and Enemies t. Lepidus continued at Rome, whilst the other Two went in Search of Brutus and Cossins* and found them in thole Parts where the Empire of the World was thrice contehded for in Battle.

* He was Cæsar's Heir, and his Son by Adoption.

* So inveterate was their Cruelty, that they commanded every Individual among the People to rejoice at the Prgsoiptioru on pain of Death. Dion.

Brutus and Cassius kiJl'd themsclves with a Precipitation not to be vindicated; audit is impossible to read this Period of their Lives, without pitying the Republic which was so abandoned. Cato clos'd the Tragetjy with his own Murder; and these, in some measure, open'd it with their Deaths.

Several Causes may be assign'd for this Custom of Self-Destroction, which so generally prevail'd among the Romans; the Progress of Stoicism which encouraged it; the Establishment of Triumphs and Slave* ry, which induced several great Men to "be* lieve they ought npt to survive a 'Defeat; the Advantages accruing to the Accused, who destroy'd themselves rather than they would subrnit to the Judgment of a Tribunal, by which their Memory was to be, branded with Infamyu, and their Goods given up to Confiscation; a Point of Honour, more rational perhaps, than that which now spirits us to stab our Friend for an unpleasing Gesture or Expression; in a word, the commodious Effect y of Heroism, whidi permitted any one to finish the Part he act-

» Eorum qui de se Jlatuebant, bumabantur corpora^ manebant testamenta, pretturn festinandi. Tacit. Annal.

JLj* V X>

v IS Charles I. and James II. had been educated in a Religion which would have permitted them to destroy themselves, the one would not have submitted to such a Death, nor the other to such a Life.

ed on the Stage of *the World, in what Scene he .pleased.

We might add, the great Facility which attended the Execution of such a Design; the Soul always attentive to the Ac5lion she 13 preparing to commit, as well as to the Motive which determines her to have Re^course to that Expedient, and the Danger she escapes by embracing it, does not properly behold Death in its Terrors, because Pain is felt but never seen.

Self-Love, and a Fondness for our Preservation, changes it self into so many Shapes, and acts by such contrary Principles, that it inclines us to sacrifice our Being for the sake of our Existence; and such an Estimate do we make of our selves, that we consent to die, by a natural and imperfect Instinct, which induces us to love our selves more than our own Lives.

It is certain that Men are become kss free, less courageous, and less inclinable to great Untertakings than they formerly were, when by this Prerogative they afiiimed over themselves, they could at any time elude every other Power.



SExTus POMPEY possess'dSicily andSar* dinia^ was Master at Sea, and saw himself at the Head of a vast Multitude of Fugitives, and Persons pointed out for Death by Proscriptions, and who combated for their ultimate Hopes. Octavius contended with him, in two very laborious Wars, and after a Variety of had Success, vanquish'd him by the Abilities of Agrippa.

The generality of the Conspirators had ended their Lives in a miserable Manner, and it was natural that Persons who headed a Party, so frequently harass'd by Wars, in which no Quarter was afforded, should die a violent Death. That Event was however interpreted into a Consequence of Divine Vengeance, which punish'd the Murderers ofCæsar, and arm'd its Proscriptions againstthe Cause they espoused.

Ofitavius gain'd over the Soldiers of Lep> dus to his own Interest, and divested him of his Power in the Triumvirate; he even envied him the Consolation of passlng the Remainder of his Days in Obscurity, and compelled him to appear like a private Man, in the Assemblies of the People,

It is Impossible fpr any one to be dilpleafed at the Humiliation of this Lepidus; he was the most deprav'd Citizen in all the Republic, a constant Promoter of Disturbances, and one who perpetually form'd fatal Schentes wherein he was obliged to affociate People of more Ability than himself. A modern Author a has thought fit to be large in his Commendation, and cites Anthony, who, in one of his Letters, represents him as an honest Man. But he, who had th$t Character from Anthony^ could not have much Title to it from other Persons.

I believe Octcrvlus is the only Man, of all the Roman Generals, whoever gain'd the Affection of the Soldiers, by giving them perpetual Instanccs of a natural Timidity of Spirit* The Army, at that time, were more aflfected with the Liberality of their Commanders, than their Valour; perhaps it was even fortunate for him, that he was not Master of any Qualities which could procure him the Empire, and that his very Incapacity should be the Cause of his Promotion to it, since it made him the less dreaded. It is not irn* possible that the Defects which threw the greatest Dishonour on his Character, Ihould be most propitious to his Fortune^ If he had discover'd, at first, any Traces of an

» The Abbe dt $/, /ta/.

exalted Soul, all Mankind would have been jealous of his Abilities; and if he had been ipirited by any true Bravery, he would not have given Anthony Time to launch into all the Extravagancies which- prov'd his Ruin.

When Anthony was preparing to inarch against Octawus^ he assured his Soldiers, by a solemn Oath, that he would restorenhe Republick, which makes it evident, that even They were jealous of the Liberty of their Country, tho* they were the perpetual Instruments of its Destruction, for an Army is the blindest and most inconsiderate Set of People in the World.

The Battle ofActium was fought, Cleopatra fled, and drew Anthony after her. Itevidently appear'd by the Circumstances of her future Conduct, that me afterwards betray'd himb; perhaps that mcomprehenjsibl© Spirit of Coquettry, so predominant in her Sex, tempted her to practice all her Arc* to lay a Third Sovereign of the World at hsr Feet,

The most surprizing Circumstance in those Wars, is, that one Battle shewld ge^ nerally decide the Difference, and that end Defeat should b^ irreparable.

The Roman Soldiers were not, properly, under the Prevalence of any Party-Spirit; fchey did not fight for any particular Acqwisition, but for particular Personv

^ Dion. L. JJ.

they only knew their Commander, who engaged their Service by prodigious Hopes, but when he was once defeated, and consequently no longer in a Condition toaccomplish his Prcmises, they immediately revolted to the other Side. The Provinces did nqt embark, in the Quarrel, with any greater Sincerity, for itwas of little Consequence to them, whether the Senate or the People prevailed; and therefore, when one of the Generals lost the Day, they declared for the other; for every City was obliged to justify itself before the Conqueror, who having engaged himself to the Soldiery, by immense Promises, was constrained to sacrifice, to their Avidity, those Countries which were most obnoxious.

Wehavebeenaffli6led, in France, with two Sorts of Civil War; one had Religion for its Pretext, and was of long Duration, because the Motive which first inflamed it. continued to subsist after Victory; the other could not properly be said to have any Motive, but was rather kindled by the Caprice, or Ambition of some great Men, and was. soon extinguished,

Augustus (for that was the Name offered by Elattery to Octavius) was careful to establish Order, or rather a durable Servitude *, for when once the Sovereignty has been usurped in a free State, every Trans-. action, on which an unlimited Authority

can be founded, is called a Regulation, and all Instances of Disorder, Commotion, and bad Government, are represented as the only Expedients to preserve the just Liberty of the Subject.

All the Roman Citizens who were ever actuated by ambitious Views, Have attempted to introduce a Kind of Anarchy in the Republick, and Pompey, CraJJus and Cæsar succeeded to a Miracle; they authorized an Impunity for all publick Crimes, and abolished every Institution calculated to prevent the Corruption of Manners, and .every Regulation accommodated to the best Politicks ^ and as good Legislators endeavour to improve their Fellow Citizens., these on the contrary were indefatigable to lead them into a Degeneracy from every Virtue. With this View they gave a Sanction to the pernicious Custom of corrupting the People by Money, and when any Persons were accused of undue Practices for,obtaining places of Trust, the Delinquents corrupted the Judges who were to decide the Cause. They disordered the Eleclions by every violent proceeding, and even intimidated the Tribunal it self. The i Authority of the People was reduced to Annihilation, witncss Gablmus^ c who after

c Cæsar made War with the Gaulst and Crasshs with the Parthian^ without any previous Deliberation of the Senate, or any Decree of the People, Dion-

he had reinstatedP/0/<?0y? by Force of Arms, on bis Throne, contrary to the Inclinations of the People ^' very- coldly demanded a Triumph.

These leading Men in the Republick, endeavoured to make the People disgustcd at their own Power, and to become necessary themselves, by rendering the Inconveniencies of a republican Government as disagreeable aspossible. But when Augustus had established himself in the Supremacy, his Politicks were employed to restore Order, thdt the People might be sensible of the Happiness of being ruled by one Man.

When Augustu\ was at the Head of an armed Power, he dreaded the Revolt of his Soldiers and not the Conspiracics of the Citizens * for which Reason he lavished all Jiis CardTes on the former, and was altogether inhumane to the latter: But when his Arms had accompKshed a Peace, he was apprehensive of Conspiracies, and the Idea of Cæsar's untimely Death being always preseht to his Remembrance, he resolved to vary from his Conduct that he might avoid his Fate. We shall now give the Reader a compleatKey to the wholeJLife of Augustus; He wore a-Coat of Mail, under his Robe, in the Senate House; he refused the Title of Di<5lator *, and whereas Cæsar irisolently affirmed-thc Republick to be nothing, and that his Words alone were the Laws, Au-

gustus was perpetually expatiating on th* Dignity of the Senate and his Venerario» for the Republick. He was selicitous thercr fore to establish such a Form of Government as should be most Satisfactory, without incommoding his particular Interest, and changed it into an Aristocrasy with Relation to the Civil, and into a Monarchy with Respect to the military Administration; rendring it by these means, an ambiguous System of Government, which being unsupported by its own Power, could subsist no longer than the Sovereign pleased, and. consequently was a Monarchy in all its Cir* cumstances.

A Quection has been started, whether Augustus had a real Inclination to divest himself of the Empire. But is it not apparent, that had he been in earnest, he might easily have effe<5ted his Design? But hisr whote proceeding, in that Affair, was a meer Artifice, because tho* he expressed a Desire every ten Years, to be eased of the mighty Load that encumber'd him, yet he always thought fit to bear it. These were little Refinements of low Cunning, calculated to induce the People to give him what,, in his Opinion, he had not Efficiently acquired. I form my Thoughts in this particular, by the whole Life of Augu]tus\ and tho* Mankind are frequently fanciful and inconsistentj they arc scldom known to re*

nounce, in one .Moment, any Enjoyment that has engaged the Attention of all their Life. Every Action of Augustus, and each of his various Regulations visibly tended to the Establimment of Monarchy. Sylla resigned the Dictatorship, but amidst ail his Violent Proceedings, a republican Spirit is apparent in every Part of his Conduct; all his Regulations, tho' executed with a tyrannical Air, had an Aspecl: to some certain Form of a Commonwealth. Sylla^ who was a Man of an impetuous Temper, precipitated the Romans into Liberty. Augustus, who was a smooth and subtile Tyrant d, led them gently into Slavery, When the Republick regained its Power, underSylla, all the People exclaimed against Tyranny, and whilst this became fortified, under Augustus, Liberty was the general Boast.

The Custom of Triumphs, which had so

much contributed to the Greatness of Rome, was abolished by Augustus, or more properly, this Honour became the Prerogative of Sovereignty0. The greatest Part of those

^ -J use this Word in the Sense of the Greeks and Romans, who gave this Name to all those who had sabvcrted a Dctnqcracy, for in all other particulars, dugustu* was a lawful Prince, after the Law enabled by the People. Lege regui, qu<? de ejus imper\o I at a est, Populus ei-& in eum omuc imperium tranjlulit. Jnrtit.

Lib. I.

c Triumphal Ornaments were all the Honours now granted to any particular General-. DIM. in Aug.

Customs which prevailed under the Emperors, derived their Origine from the Republick f; and it will be proper to bring them together, that the Similitude may be more apparent. That Person alone under whose AuspicesaWar had been conducted^ was instituted to demand a Triumph2: Now the Wars were always carried on under the Auspices of a Chief, and consequently of the Emperour, who was the Chief of every Army.

As constant War was the reigning Principle of the Republick, the Maxim under the Emperors was altogether pacific. Victories were considered as so many Opportunities of introducing Disorder by Armies, who might fix too great a Valuation on their Services. Those who were advanced to any Command were apprehensive of engaging in Enterprises of too great Impor-

f The Romans having changed their Government, without sustaining any Invasion from any Enemy, the same Cu(loins continued as were practifed before the Alteration of the Government, the Form of which still" remained tho' the Essentials wcredestroyed.

8 Dion in /lug. 1. 54, acquaints us that Agrippa neglected, out of Modclly, to give the Senate an Account of his Expedition againil the People of the Rtspborui, and even rcfused a Triumph; since which Time, i.t was not granted to any Person of his Class; but it was a Favour Au^ustu* intended to afford Agrippa, tho' Anthony would not allow it to Vcntidiusy. the 6rst Time he conquered thePartbiaru,

tance; they found it necessary to aim at Glory with Moderation, and were to engage the Emperor's Notice, and not raise his Jealousy ^ in a word, they were not to appear before him with a Lustre, which his Eyes could not support.

Augustus was very cautious h of inverting any one with the Rights of a Roman Citizen i he made Laws i to prevent the Enfranchisement of too many Slavesk, and by his Will recommended the Observation of these two Maxims, with a Dissuasive against extending the Empire by new Wars.

These three Particulars were very well connected; and wjien all War was discon^ tinu'd, there was no need either of new Citizens or Enfranchisements.

When Rome was in a constant State of War, she was under a perpetual Necessity of recruiting her Inhabitants. At the Beginning, part of the People were transplanted thither from the conquer'd Cities, and in process of Time several Citizens of the neighbouring Towns came to Rome to obtain a Share in the Rights of Suffrage, and establish'd themselves there in such Numbers, that upon the Complaints of the Allies, the Romans were oblig'd to remand

h Sueton in /fvgxj?.

Justtn. Mitut. L. I. & Suet, in Aug.

* Dion, in dug.

them back. Multitudes at last arriv'd from the Provinces ; the Laws favour'd Marriages, and even render'd them necessaiy, Rome, in all her Wars, gain'd a prodigious Number of Slaves, and when the Ricnes of the Citizens became immense, they bought these unhappy People from all Parts, and, from a Principle of Generolity, Avarice or Ambition, enfranchised them without Number1 . Some intended by this Proceeding to reward the Fidelity of their Slaves, others had a View by it to receive, in their Name, the Corn which the Republick distfibuted among the poor Citizens. In a word, others denied to have their Funeral Solemnity graced with a Jong Train of Attendants, crowh~ ed with Flowers. The People were generally composed of Persons who had received their Freedom, so that the Lords of the Universe, not only in their Original but thro* the greatest part of succeeding Times, were of servile Extraction.

The Number of the Populace being chief, ly collected out of Slaves, who had been enfranchised, or the Sons of such, became very incommodious, and were therefore transplanted in Colonies ; by which Means the State effectually secured the Obedience of the Provinces. There was a general Cir-

1 Dionys. Hall car nass. L. IV.

culation of Mankind, through the World. Rome receiv'd them in the State of Slaves, and sent them away Romans.

Augustus, under the Pretence of some Tumults in the Elections, plac'd a Garrison and a Governour in the City, made the Legions perpetual, station'd them upon the Frontiers*, and establish'd particular Funds for their Pay. To which we may add, that he gave Orders for the Veterans to receive their Donations in Moneym, and not in Lands.

Many unhappy Consequences resulted from the Distribution of Land since the time of Sylla; the Citizens Property in their Estates grew precarious, and if all the Soldiers of one Cohort were not settled in the same place, they became disiatisfy'd with their Allotments, neglected the Cultivation of their Lands, and degenerated into dangerous Citizens: But if they were distributed in entire Legions, the Ambitious could raise Armies against the Republic in a Moment.

Augustus likewisc establiuVd fixed Provisions for the Naval Power, which was never.

m He ordcrM the Praetorian Soldiers should have. Five thousind Drachmas a piece after Sixteen Year-;Service, and th? others Three thousand Drachmas after Twenty Years. Dion, in Aug.

done before his Time; for as the Romans were Mailers of the Mediterranean^ and as all Navigation was then consm'd to that Sea, they had not any Enemy to fear.

Dion observes, very judiciously, that after the Emperors had assum'd the sovereigri Power, it became very difficult to write die History of those Times. All Transactions were industriously conceal'd, the Dispatches from the Provinces were transmitted to the Cabinets of the Emperors, and we know little more than what either the Folly or Rashness of Tyrants divulg'd,. or such Events as fall within the Conjectures of Hi(lorians.



AS a River, sometimes, with a slow and silent Progress, undermines the Banks that have been thrown up to restrain its Current, and at last overwhelms them in a Moment, and sheds an Inundation over the Fields they formerly preserved; in the same Manner, the supreme Authority, which gain'd an insensible Growth under Augustus^ bore down all before it in the succeeding Reign of Tiberius.

A Law at that Time subsisted, which made it Treason to form any injurious AN tempt against the Majesty of the People: TIBERIUS assumed to himself the Interpretation and Enforcement of this Law, and extended it not only to the Cases for which it was originally calculated, but to every Conjuncture that could poiSbly be favourable to his Hatred or Suspicions. And now, not only Actions, but Words and Signs, and even Thoughts were adjudged by this Standard ;, for those ExpresTions which drop from the Overflowing of the Heart, in the Conversation of intimate Friends, are always supposed to be their real Sentiments. All Freedom was therefore banished from their Feasts, Diffidence reign'd among Relati-

ons, and Infidelity infected the Slaves: The gloomy Disposition and Insincerity of the Prince were diffused through all Ranks of Men; Friendship had the Disrepute of a dangerous Quicksand; a fine Genius passed for a shininglndiscretion, and Virtue it self was only consider'd as an Affectation, .that officiously reminded the People of their lost Happiness.

No Tyranny can have a severer Effect than that which is exercised under the Appearance of Laws, and with the plausible Colours of Justice; when the Executors of cruel Power would, if we may use the Expression, drown the unhappy Wretches on the vety Plank that before saved them amidst the troubled Waves.

As a Tyrant is never destitute of Instruments to accomplish his Designs^ so Tiberius always found the Senate trastable enough to condemna as many Persons as he could po£sibly suspecT:; and this venerable Body sunk at last into a Degeneracy too low to be described. The Senators even courted Servitude , to gain the Favour of Sejahus; and the most illustrious among them abandoned themselves to the dictionourable Profession of Informers.

a Before the Time of the Emperors, the Senate confined their Attention ta Publick Affairs, and never decided the Giuses of-private Persous in a full Bod/.

It seems easy to discover several Causes of that slavish Dispostsion, which then prevailed in the Senate. When Cæsar had entirely crushed the Party who declared for the Republick, all the Friends, as well as Enemies he then had in the Senate, concurred }vrth equal Unanimity, to remove the Bounds with which the Laws had limited his Power, and at the same time they agreed to render him unparallel'd Honours; some came into these Compliances with a View to please him, others intended by such Means to make him odious. Dion informs us, that some even proposed that ^e might have the JLiberty to enjoy as many Women as he Ihoulddesire. This obsequious Conduct freed ; him from all Sqspicions of the Senate, and consequently was the Cause of his Assassination ; but then it prevented in the succeeding Reigns, all Flattery from rising to such wild and unexampled Height as might have created Disaffection in the Minds of the People.

Bef&re Rome submitted to the Dominion of one Man, the Riches of the Nobility, in what manner soever acquired, were certainly imrnense, but those Grandees were divested of the greatest part of their Treasures by the Emperors b. .The Senators were no

bThe great Men were impoverisrui even in the Time of dugustus, and no longer sollicited for the Office of

longer resorted to by those great and wealthy Clients, who were the Sources of their Patrons Affluence. The Proyinces produced nothing considerable, except f©r C<zsar \ and especially when they were under the Government of his Prtzfects, wliose Office had sonie Resemblunce to that of the Intendants in France. However, tho' the Fountain from whence all this Qppulence flowed was at last exhausted, the Expences were continued in their former Profusion, and the Track being once mark'd out, the Meri of Rank could only pursue it now, by the Emperor's Favour.

Augustus had depriv'd the People of their Legisl^tive Capacity, and abolilh'd all their Jurisdi&ion with, respect to Publick Offences, but he still left them the Power of electing Magistrates. Tiberius^ who dreaded the Asiemblies of a People so numerous, diverted them even of this Privilege, and transferred it to the Senate0, or rather to liimself. Now it is impossible to conceive the abject Lowness to which the Declension of the People's Power sunk the Spirits of the Grandees: When Dignities were in the Disposal of the Populace, the Magistrates, who

JEd'ik or Tribune of the People, and many of them had not any Inclination to have a Seat among the Senators.

c Tacit. Annal. L. J. Dion. L. LIV. They were afterwards re-eitabliihed, and then disanull'd by Caligitla*

soilicited their Interest, pra&ised a Number of mean Condescensions, but these were intermixed with a certain Magnificence that in some measure concealed them: For Instance, they exhibited pompous Games and Recreations, they distributed Sums of Money, and Quantities of Corn among the People, and sbmetimes regaled them with splendid Feasts. But tho* the Motive was low, the Manner seem'd augtist, because it always comports with a great Man to obtain the Favour of the People by Liberality; but when that People had nothing to bestow, and the Prince, in the Name of the Senate, disposed of all Employments, they were desired as well as bbtain'd in a dishor nourable Manner, and could only be compassed by Adulation, Infamy and a hateful Train of Crimes, that were made necessa17 Arts by the Iniquity of the Age.

It does not indeed appear that Tiberius had any Intention to mrike the Senate contemptible, and he complain'd of nothing so

much, as the Propensity of that Body to Slavery. His Life was^ filled with Dsssatisfactions on that Account, but he resembled . the Generality of Mankind, and was fond of contradictory Enjoyments. His jgeneral Politicks were inconsistent with his particular Passions; he would willingly have seeri a free Senate, who by their Gondudt might have created a Veneration for his Govern-

ment; but then he was also desiroas of a Senate who would every Moment be trastable to his Fears, his Jealousies, and his Aversions. In a word, the Politician was perpetually subordinate to the Man.

We have already intimated, that the People had formerly obtained from the Patricians the Privilege of electing, from their own Body, a Set of Magistrates, who were fi) proted them from the Insults and Injusti^e that might be intended against them* &ad, in order to capacitate those Magistrates for the Exercise of such a Power, their £erfous were declar'd sacred and inviolable, and

A '' -^ * a t. -^

whoever should presume to treat a Tribune injuriously, either by Actions or Language, was condemned by the Law to suffer Death en the Spot. Now when the Emperors were inverted with the Tribunitial Power, they obtain'd the same Prerogatives, and it was upon this Principle that such a Number of People were depriv'd of their Lives: From this Source flow'd the Impunity with which Informers flourish'd in their Profession; and hence it was, that the Accusation of Treason, that Crime, saysP/zVv, which was charg'd on those to whom no real Offence could be imputed, was at last extended to one whom the Wantonness of Tyranny pointed out.

I am inclinable however to believe, that some of those Titles of Accusation were not

so ridiculous as they appear at present, and can never be persuaded that Tiberius would have caus'd a Man *to be accus'd for selling to one who bought his House, a Statue of the Emperor; that Domitian should condemn a Woman to die for undressing herself before his Image; or that he Ihould procee,d with the same Severity against a Citizen of Rome, for causiag a Description of all the Earth to be delineated on the Walls of his Apartment; if such Actions as these had not calPd up an Idea in the Minds of the Romans very different from that they now excite in us. For my part I am of Opinion, that as Rome had chang'd the Form of its Government, those Actions which now appear inconsiderable to us, might, when they were committed, have a very different Aspect; and I judge in this manner, from my Reflection on what is now customary in a Nation which cannot with any Justice be suspected of Tyranny, and yet it is a Capital Crime there to drink to the Health of a certain Person.

I cannot omit any Qircumstance which tends to give a clear Representation of the Roman Genius. That People wereso habituated to Obedience, and so constantly plac'd their Happiness in homaging their Matters, that after the E)eath of Germanicus, they were affected with such ineonsolableBorrow and Despair, as never appears in our C$n-

temporaries. The Descriptions given by Historians * of a Desolation, so public, so

universal and immoderate, deserve a Reader's Curiosity, and it is certain, that this Scene of Grief was not affected, since^'a whole People are never known to practise

so much Flattery and Dissimulation.

The Romans^ who had now no longer any Share in the Government, and were chiefly composed of Persons who had received their Freedom, or such indolent and unindustrious People who liv'd at the Expence of the public Treasure; were now sensible of nothing but their Inabecillity, and 2fflictecl themselves like Children or Women who from a Principle of Weakness abandon themselves to Sorrow. These People were politically iridispos'd, they plac'd all their Fears and Hopes in the Person of Germanicus^ and when he was snatch'd from them by an untimely Death, they sunk into Despair.

No People are so apprehensive of Calamity as those whom the Misery of their Condition should rather discharge from ail I^ear, and who ought to say with AndromMbe* Would to Heaven I had any Enjoyment I could dread to lose ! There are at this Day, in Naples, Fifty thousand Men, who have no Food but Herbs, and whose whole Cloathing con,-

<* Sc'e Ttdtos.

lists of a few miserable Rags; and yet these People, who are the most wretched Creatures upon Earth, discover a dreadful Consternation at the least Irruption of fcsuvius, and are so infatuated as to fear they shall be miserable.


Remarks on the Emperors from GAIUS CALIGULA to ANTONINUS.

CALIGULA succeeded TIBERIUS, and if: was said^ of him, that there never was a-tetter Slave, nor a worse Master: And lf*3eed these two Circumstances are very consistent *, for the same Turn of Mind which inclines a Person to be strongly affected at the unlimited Power of his Sovereign, produces the same Impressions in his own Favour, when he rises to Empire him-


Caligula restored the Assemblies of the People, which fiberius had prohibited; and abolish'd the arbitrary Law and Construdions of Treason establish*d by that Emperor: From which Proceeding we may observe, that the Beginnings of a bad Reign spmetimes resemble the Conclusion of a good one, for a wicked Prince may, from a Principle of Contradidion to the Motives of

his Predecesibr's Conduct, be spirited to Actions which the other performed from a virtuous Inducement; and we owe to this very Principle a Number of good as well as bad Regulations.

But what did the Romans gain by these plausible Beginnings? Caligula disannulTd the Law which constituted the Circumstantials of Treason, but then he destroy'd thoie who displeas'd him, by a military Severity; and his Vengeance, instead of pointing at some particular Senators, hung over all their Heads, like a Sword that threatned them with Extermination at; one Blow.

This formidable Tyranny of the Ertiperors-arose from the Disposition of the Romans in general; who, as they were suddenly enslav'd to an arbitrary Government, and were hardly sensible of any Interval between Dominion and Subjection, were not prepared for such a Transition by any gentle Softenings. The fierce and untractable Disposition

still remain'd, and the Citizens were used in the same Manner they themselves had treated their conquered Enemies, and were govern'd altogether 'upon the same Plan. When Sylla made his public En*trance into Rome^ he was still the Sylla w!io had done the same in Allens, and he govern'd with an uniform Imperiousness. As to us who are Natives of France^ and have sunk into Subjection, by insensible Degrees,

if we are destititte of Laws, we are at least govern'd by engaging Manners.

The constant View of the Combats of Gladiators inspir'd the Romans with extraordinary Fierceness; and it was observable, that CLAUDIUS became more dispos'd to 'shed Blood, by being habituated to those Spectacles. The Example of this Emperor, who was naturally of a gentle Disposition , and yet degenerated into so much Cruelty at last, makes it evident, that the Education in those times, was very different from our own.

The Romans^ being accustomed to tyrannize over hurfian Nature, a in the Persons

of their Children and Slaves, had a very imperfect Idea of that Virtue we distinguim by the Name of Humanity. Whence proceeds the savage Call of Mind so remarkable in the Inhabitants of our Colonies, but from their constant Severity to an unfortunate Class of Mankind ? When Barbarity prevails in Civil Government, what natural Justice or Harmony of Manners can be exped:ed from the Individuals?

We are fatigu'd and fa dated with seeing in the History of the Emperors such an infinite Number of People whom they destroyed for no other End than to con|iscate their

9 See the Into cures of Jttstipiait, where they treat of the Power of Parents and Mailers.

Goods: Our modern Accounts furnish us with no such Instances of Inhumanity. This Difference, as we have already intimated, is to be ascrib'd to the milder Cast of our Manners, and the civilizing Restraints of a more amiable Religion. We may likewise add, that we have no Opportunity of pillaging the Families of Senators who have ravaged the World, and -we derive this Ad* vantage from the Mediocrity of our Fortunes, which are consequenlly in a snfer Situation. In a word,.,we are not considerable enough to be plundered.b

That Class of the& Roman People who were call'd Plebeians had no Averiion to the worst of their Emperors, for since they had no longer any Share, of Empire themselves, nor were any more employ'd in Wars, they became the mott contemptible and degenerate People in the World ; they look'd upon Commerce and the Sciences, as only proper for Slaves, and the Distributions of Corn which they receiv'd, made them negle<5t*the Cultivation of their Lands: They had been familmriz'd to public Games and splendid Spectacles, and smce they had no Ipnger any Tribunes to obey, or Magistratcs to elect,

b The Duke of Braganza had an immcnsc Essete in Portugal, and when he fitst revolted the King of SpMn was Felicitated by his Nobility, for the rich Confiscation he-was to derive from that Evem.

those Gratifications which they were only permitted to enjoy; became necessary to them, and their Indolence and Inactivity Simulated their Relish of those Indulgen-


CALIGULA, NERO, COMMODUS, CA <R A c A L L A, \vere lamented by the People ior their very Folly, for whatever these loved, the others were as madly fond of, in their Turn, and not only contributed their whole Power, but even devoted their own Persons to those JPJeasures', they lavished a1! the Riches of the Empire with the g'reatelt Prodigality, and when these were exhausted, phe People without the least Emotion beheld all the great Families pillaged. They enjoyed the Fruits of Tyranny, without the least intermixture of Uneasiness, because their low Obscurity was their Protection* Such Princes have a natural Antipathy to People of Merit and Vertue, because they are sensible their Actions are disapproved by such Persons. The Contradiction c and even the Silence of an austere Citizen were insupportabk to them; and as they grew intoxicated with popular Applausc, they at lall imagined their Government constituted the Public Felicity,

c As the ancient Austerity of Manners tould not suft'er the Liccntiousncse of Theatrical Representatiojp, the Minds of vertuous Men continued to be'filled. with Contempt for those who exeroised that* Profession.

and consequently that it could be centered by none but disaffeclred and ill-disposed Persons.

When an Emperour at any Time discovered his Strength and Activity, as whenr Commodus, d for Instance, in the Presencer of a vast Assembly of the People, slew several wild Beads with a Facility peculiar to him, he naturally raised the Admiration of the Soldiers as well as the Populace, because Strength and pliancy of Limbs were at that time considered as necessary Qualifications in the military Art.

We have no longor a just Idea of bodily Exercises, and a Man who practiles them wkh any extraordinary Application, appears contemptible in our Opinion; because the Generality of these Exercises producenothing more than a little exterior Agreeableness; whereas among the Ancients, all?

* Tho' the Gladiators Were selected from the Dreg? of the People, and followed the moil infamous Profession that was ever tolerated j for none but Slaves pr Malefactors were cpmpelled to devote theiwselves toDeath in Combats at the Ftmerals of the Grandees * yet the Fondness of the People for these Exercises whichr had (ijch a Resemblance to those of War, -became so« immoderate, that we cannot help calling it a Species of Madness. Emperors, Senators, Men of distinguimed Birth, and even Women appeared upon the Arena in the Amphitheatre, nee virorum mtdo pttgrias, sed & faminarum, says Suetonius in.the Life of Domitian.. The*JRflKWtu/were as much delighted too with WrelUers.

their Exercises, even Dancing it self, became incorporated into their martial Discipline.

We may Kkewise add, that even among us, an affected Mastership in the Weapons ^e employ in War, is considered as a ridiculous Attainment, because smce the Custorri of Duelling became so prevailing, Fencing has been treated as the Science of boisterous Wranglers and Cowards.

Thole who censure Homer^ for his usual Manner of celebrating the Strength or Activity of his Heroes, must likewise think Salust * very ridiculous when he praises Pompey^ for running, leaping, and carrying a Burden better than any other Man.

Caligula, was a true Sophist in Cruelty, for as he equally descended from Anthony and Augustus^ he declared he would punish the Consuls if they celebrated the Day appointed to commemorate the Vi&ory at Actium, and that they should likewise feel his Severity if they neglected to Honour that Event; and "Drujilla to whom he accorded divine Honours, being dead it was a Crime to bewail her because she was a Goddess, and as great an Offence to forbear that Sor* row because she was his Sister.

( Cum alacribut Saltu, cum velocibus cursu, cqm Vpli<#/ reste certabat, Fragm. of Satiist cited by vegeti&s 1. i. c. 9.

We have now ascended an Eminence from whence we may take a View of human Affairs: When we trace in the Roman History, such a Variety of Wars, and their prodigal Effusion of human Blood; when we view so

many once flourishing Nations depopulated, and see such a Diversity of mining Actions; and triumphant Processions; when we trace the masterly Strokes of Politics, Sagacity and Fortitude, so conspicuous in that Peo* pie, and refledt on their Advances to universel Monarchy by Schemes so judiciously concerted, so successfully supported, and so happily accomplished ; to what View are all these mighty Preparations'2 directed; why truly to satiate the Ambition of five or six Monsters! Is it posiible then, that the Senate could shake off the proud Domination of so many Kings, only to -plunge themselves into the most abjedt Slavery to one of their unworthy Citizens, and to exterminate it self by its own Edicts? Did it rise to stich a Height of Grandeur, to drop more splendidly into Ruin, and do the Sons of Men only labour to augment their Power, that they may fall, by their own Combinations, into better Hand*; ?

When Caligula was assassinated, the Senate assembled to form a new Model of Government, and, whilst they were engagedin such Deliberations, a Party of Soldiers ruJhed in to plunder the Palace.,,and found*

in some obscure Place, a Man trembling with Fear; this Man was Claudius, and they immediately saluted him Emperour.

Claudius com plea ted the Subversion of the ancient form of Government, by intrusting the Dispensadon of Judice to his Officers : The principal Motive to the Wars, of Marius and Sylla, was to determine the Competition of the Senators and the Equestrian f Order for this Prerogative, and it was nowwrested from both Parties by the arbitrary Fancy of a weak Man. Surprizing Event indeed, of a Dispute which had set the World in Flames.

When the Reign of a Prince succeeds the DHTolution of & Republic, no Authority can be more absolute than his own, for he then posssesses all that Power which before was distributed among the People, whoexcrcised k without any Limitations; and for this Reason the Kings of Denmark are the most despotic Sovereigns in Europe.

The People were altogether as abject and. unmanly as the Senate, tho' they once were animated with such a martial Spirit, that when Armies were levied in the City, before the Time of the Emperors, they gained the military Discipline upon the Spot, and immediately marched to the Enemy. In the Civil Wars of Vildlius and Vespasian,

f See Tatitu*.

Rome became a Prey to the ambitious and was full of timorous Citizens, who were struck with Consternation by any Party of Soldiers, who could first approach them.

The Emperors themselves were in no better a Situation ; for as the Right of e^ lecting a Sovereign was not appropriated ta any single Army, it generally happened that when an Emperour was chosen by one Body of Soldiers, that Circumstance alone wa& sufficient to discredit him with the others*, who immediately set up a Competitor t&> oppose him.

As the Grandeur therefore of theRepub*' lie, proved Fatal to that Form of Government, so the mighty Extent of the Empire: was altogether as pernicious to the Mo^ narchs. If the Territories they were, to; defend5 had been confined to moderate Limits, those Sovereigns might have been effectually served by one principal Army, and the Soldiers, when they had once elected their Emperor, would* have been dutiful, enough to accjxiiesce in their Choice. * GALBA, O'TIIO and VITELLIUS, *rnade a very transient Appearance in the imperial Scene. VESPASIAN who, like them*, was elected by the Army, devoted all" his Reign to the Rcestablishment of the Em-

8 Susceperg duv msinipulares imperium Populi Romani. trapsfirendum9 & ttaxjhtlcrunt. Tacit. 1. i.

pire, which had been successively possessed by six Tyrants, all equally cruel, and mod of them exceedingly furious and untradlable, generally very weak, and, to compleat the publick Calamity, profuse even to Infatuation.

TITUS, who succeeded his Father, was the Darling of the People ; but Domitian presented to their View an uncommon MonIter, more unhuman in his Disposition, or at lead more implacable than any of his Predecessbrs, because he was more timorous.

His favourite Freemen, and, according to some Historians, the Empress her self, finding his Friendship as dangerous as his Aversion, and that he allowed no Bounds to his Suspicions and Accusations, turned their Thoughts to a Successbr, and chose the venerable NERVA.

Nerva adopted Trajan, who proved the most accomplished Prince in all History; it was a Happiness to be born under his Reign, which blessed the Empire with more Prosperity and true Glory than it had .ever enjoyed before. He was an admirable Statesman, and a most accomplished General ; the native Sweetness of his Disposition inclined him to tmiversal Humanity, and his unclouded Penetration, guided^ him through the bed and purcit Tracks of Government; he was actuated by a noble

Soul, to whose Embellishment every Virtue had contributed, Mis Conduct was Free from allExtreams, andhis amiable Qualities were temper'd with that exact Proportion that the Btightness of one was never lost in the Lustre of another. To sum up all, he was the hest-qualified of Mankind, to do H6npur to human Nature, and to reprelent the Divinity on Earth.

He accomplish'd Cczsar's Project of invading the Partbians, and was very successful in his Wars with that mighty People; any Monarch but himself would have sunk under the Weight of such an Enterprize, where Danger was always prestnt, and from whence the Source of his riecessary Supplies was at a vast Distancej in a Word, where* he could not be sure Viddry it self, would save him from Destrpctipn.

The Difficulty consisted in the Situation of the two Empires, and the military Di£ cipline of both Nations. If he directed his Mardi through Armenia towards the Sburces oftygris and Euphrates^ he was siire to be incommoded with a mountainous and impracticable Country, through which n& Convoy of Provision could pass, so that the Army would be half destroyed before they could penetrate into Media h. On the o-

>h The Country did not produce any Trees large cnou^h to be wrought into Engines proper for the Siege 0r"Ta%*ns. p/ut. Life of Antoninus

ther Hand if he Ihould strike out a lower Track towards the South, through Ni/ibis, he would find himself bewildered in a ghast-

ly Desert that separated the two Empires ; and if he intended to proceed still lower and march through Mesopotamia, he was then to cross a large Country that was either uncultivated or laid under Water; and as the 3ygris and Euphrates Bowed from North to South, he could not gain a Passage into the Country without quitting those Rivers % which if he did he must inevitably perish.

As to the Manner practised by the two Nations in making War, the Strength of the Romans consiited in their Infantry,, which w,as die mbst firm and best-disciplined Rody of Soldiers in the World.

The ParMans. on the contrary, had noInfantry, but then their Horse were admirable and always combated at such a Disiance as placed them out of the Reach of the Roman Army, and the Javelin was seldom launched far enough to wound them. Their own Weapons consided of a Bow,. and many formidable Shafts, and they rather besieged an Army than give it Battle,, they were pursucd to no Purposc in their Flight, for that was the same with them as* an Engagement: They carried off all ths Inhabitants of the Country, and only left Garrisons in their fortified Places, and when, thcsc were taken, the Conquerors were ob-

liged to destroy them. The Parthians\\k&wise set Fire to all the Country that lay round the Roman Army, and did not leave them die lead Blade of Herbage, In a Word, they managed their Wars in aManner very like that which is now pra&ised or* the same Frontiers.

We may add to these Disadvantages, that the Illynan and German Legions which were drawn out for this War, were no way capable to sustain it, * because the Soldkrs who were accustomed to plentiful Food ir* their own Country, perished in these Regions for want of mrmy&Necessaries.

The Partbians- by these Means- had accomplished that, for the Preservation of their Liberty, which had hitherto been impracticable to all other Nations, against the. victorious Power of the Romans: But they owed this Advantage not to any resistless Valour, but to their inacccsTible Situation*

ADRIAN gave up the Conquest of TRAJAN, and made Euphrates the Boundary of his Empire; and indeed it was surprrzing that the Romans after such a Series of War should loic nothing but what they were desirous to quit ^ and thus they resembled the Ocean whole Exp.insion is never IcsscnMbut when it retires of it self.

* See Hlroditim Life of Alexander.

This Conduct of ADRIAN occasioned


great Dissatisfactions among the People. It was recorded in the sacred Book of that Nation k that when Tarquin intended to build the Capitol, he found the place most commodious for his Purpose fill'd with the Statues of other Deities, upon which he employed his Skill in Augury to discover if they were inclinable to resign their Places to Jupter^ and they all consented, except Mars, Hebe, and Terminus. This proceeding gave Birth to three Religious Opinions, namely, that Mars would never resign his Place t(5 any other Being; that the Roman Youth would be always invincible, and that their God Terminus would never recede from his Station \ the contrary of wWch was however verified in the Reign of Adrian. ~

* Augustin, de Chit, Dei, 1. 4. c. 23 and 29.


Considerations on the State of the Empire from ANTONINUS to PROBUS.

IN this Period the Stoicks propagated, their Doctrines in the Empire with great popularity, and it seems as if Nature her: self had been industrious to produce this admirable Sect which resembled those Plants the Earth Causes to spring up in Places never vilited by the Sunbeams.

This Sect furnished jhe Romans with their best Emperors; none but Marcus Aurelius could extinguish the Remembrance of the fkst Antonine who adopted him; an4 W$ find our selves afie&ed with a secrst Btear sure when we speak of this Emperor* W§ cannot read his Life without some Impressions of Tenderness, and grow inclinable |% think better of our selves, because the History of that Prince makes us ent$r!E|iji a m6re favourable Opinion of Mankind

The Wisdom of NERVA, the Glory pf TRAJAN, the Valour of ADRIAN, *�itd the Vertue of the two ANTONINES, gained them the Veneration of the Soldiers; bat when a set of new Monsters became their Successors, the Abuse of military Government Appeared in its full Enormity ; and the Soldiers, who had exposed the Empire

to sale, assassinated the Emperors for the sake of new Gratuities.

It has been a conceived Opinion that there is a certain Prince in the World, whc* for the Space of fifteen Years has been endeavouring to abolish the Civil Government in his Dominions, and to substitute the Military in its Room. I have no In* terition to make odious Reflections on such a Design, and (hall onlyobserve, that from the Nature of Things in General, two hundred Guards may be a better Security to a Prince than four Thouland; and besides, an armed People are of all others the most dangerous to be opposed.

COMMODUS sucteeded his Father Marcus Aurelius^ and was a Motister who gave a Loose to all his own PasHons, and those of his Courtiers. The Persons who delivered the World from such a Barbarian, transferred the imperial Dignity to the venerable PertinaX) who was soon asiasiinated by the pretorian Bands.

The Empire was then exposed to Auclioh, and Didius Julian carry'd it by a Number of magnificent Promises; this Proceeding exasperated the whole Body of the People; for tho* the Empire had been frequent^ ly bought, it had never been sold upon Credit before; Pcscennius Niger, Severus^ aad Albinus^ were salutcd Empsrdrs, a-nd Julian not being ia a Condition to pay the

immense Sums he had prorrrised, was abandon'd by the Soldiers.

Sevents defeated Niger and AlUnu& .* He was Master of extraordinary Qualities, tmt wanted that Sweetness of Disposition, which in Princes is the rnost amiable Quality they can possess.

The unhappy Custom of Proscribing, introduc'd by Sylla, was still practised under the Emperors; and the Prince must have been distinguinYd by some Virtue, if he discountenanc'd that severe Proceeding; for as the Ministers and Favourites turn'd their Thoughts to Confiscations at the Beginning. * of a Reign, they we're always representing to their Sovereign the Necessity for Punishments, and the dangerous Effects of Clemency.

It may here be proper to observe, that the Power of the Emperors might easily appear more tyrannical than that of modern Princes, for as their Dignity was a Conjtmction of the various Authorities in tbe /2#* man Magistracy, such as Di&ators, for liistance, Tribunes of the Peopte, Prbcott&Js^ Censors, Supreme Pontiffs, and sometimes Consuls, they frequently asiumed the Dispensation of dillributive Justice, andie-ttas easy for them to create Suspicions, that they had oppressed thosewhom they condemned; for the People usually judge of the.Ahuse of Power, by the Grcatness of its Extent ^

whereas the Kings of Europe, being Legislators and not Executors of the Law,. and Sovereign Princes but not Judges, are consequently discharg'd from the Exercise o( an Authority that might prove odious; and have consign'd the Infliction of Punishments to Magistrates, whilst they reserv'd to themselves the Distribution of Pardons and other popular Acts of Mercy. (

Few Emperors' have ever been more jealous of their Authority than 'Tiberius and Severus, and yet they suffer'd themselves to be govern'd in a most dishonourable Manner, the one by Sejanus and the other by Plautian.

When Severus gave the full Play to his Proscriptions, a great Body of Niger's a Army retir'd for Sasety to the Parthians b and perfected them in every part of military Discipline wherein they were any way defective ; they habituated them to 'the Roman Weapons, and even taught their Workmen how to make that martial Equipage; in Consequence of which, that People, who till then had usually limited their Exploits to defensive Wars % were generally Agressors for the future.

Herodt<i»'s Life of Severt/s.

b This Fatality continu'd in the Reign of dtexandtr. Artaxerxes who re-estabiish'd the Psrjinn Empire, rnide it formidable to the Romany because tlieir Soldiers cither through Caprice or a libertine Disposuion desertcd in great Multitudes to the King of Pursia.

c Namely the Pcrjians, \vlio follow'd their Example.

It is very remarkable, that in the long Series of those Civil Wars that were continually raging, the Chiefs, who were supported by the Legions of Europe, generally defeated the Leaders of the Asiatic Legions; and we read, in the History of Severus, that he could not take the City of Atra in Arabia? because the European^ Legions having mutinied, he was oblig'd to employ thole of Syria.

This Difference became evident, when the Levies were first made d in the Provinces, and it appear'd as considerable in the Legions, as it did in the Nations out of which they were rais'd, and who by Nature or Education were more or less form'd for War.

Another unhappy Conseqtience likewise ensued from these Provincial Levies, for the Emperors, who were generally ek£&3

d Augustus fix'd the Legions to particular Stations'ih the Provinces. The Levies were originally rais'd at &ome* after that among the Latins, mltaJy. next,,, arid Jast ofj$l in the Provinces. When Cicero was in his Governnient abroad, he wrote to the Senate in thcse Terms: " You cannot place any Confidence in the^ Levies rais*d-ih this Country: Bibulus was commiilion'd to furntii some out of Jisia9 but he never would proceed ki that Aft'air". When Vespasian was proclaimed Ehnqpcror by the Armies of Syria and Jud&a, he empldy*cl none but the Legions of Masia* Pt*nnoriia and Dalmatia, in his Wars against Vitellius. Severus defeated thte Asiatic

Legions of Niger, and ConJIantine those of Licmus,

out of the Soldiery, were for the most part Strangers, and sometimes the worst of Barbarians. Rome was now jio longer Mistress of the World, but receiv'd Laws from the whole Universe.

Each Emperor brought with him some Peculjarity from his own Country, relating toFalhions, Manners, Politics or Religion; and Heliogabalus had even form'd a Resolution to destroy every Object of religious Veneration in Rome^ and to banilh all the Gods from their Temples, that he might place his own in their Room.

This Circumstance, even consider'd as independent on the secret Operations of the Deity,, which are obVious to his Ornniscience alone, greatly contributed to the EstabUpiment of Cliristraruty; for nothing was now strange in the Empire, and the People were prepar'd to relish every new Custom wliich the Emperors were inclinable to introduce,

It is well known, that the Romans receiv'd the Gods of other Nations into their City; but then they rcceiv'd them with the Air of Cpnquerors, and carried them in their triumphal Processions: But when Strangers attempted to establish them by their own Authority, ithey were'immediately rejected. It is Jiliiewise notorious, that the Romans gave foreign Deities the Names of such of their own Gods as were most conformable to the

others, in their Attributes: But when the Priests of other Countries would introduce the Adoration of tneir Divinities, undejr their proper Names, among the Romans9~ they were not permitted to accompliih that Design; and this was the greatest Obstacle to the Progress of Christianity.

CARACALLA, who succeeded Severus, calPd.not only a ^Tyrant, b\# t|*e Destroyer of.Mankind,: Caligul^ .New'^nd Domitian limited their Barbarities to Romj» but this Monster endeavoiir'd to shed his Fury thro* the World like a Pestilence.

Severns. amassed prodigious Treasures by ,theExactions qf a long Reign, and his Proscriptions of those who declared for his Competitors in Emipeij& *

Caracalso ?ha^i|pg ccjmtnemc'd his Reign with murcjering |Ss ;Brpthe): Geta^ wich, nB own Hands,^^ pura&s*d( witl> thpse Riches a Connivance at Jhtia Crime* from ,the SolcJiei's

who had an extraprdihairy Regard for &4&k but the .Tui^^tm jpf Cyrtcalh an $Qp<p: Jjjpotn th^ii ^ihei they they Had taken Oall^s i^fpo|H the ChiltlKEE ofSeveruj,, apd not, to drie alone.

The im^io^erate Treasures which ha$e been gather'd by Princes have commc^ly produc'd fatal Eflects: They generally corrupt the Successbr, who grows dazzled wtth the Lustre they diffuse; and jf th^jr -happ^i not to pervert his HeaYt, they mitoide his

Mind, and cause him to form Plans of mighty Enterprizes, by the Ministration .of a Power that is only accidental, always transitory and unnatural, and an empty Inflation instead of a real Grandeur.

Caracalla^ to soften the Horror of his Fratricide, instituted divine Honours to his Brother Geta; and, what was very peculiar, he himself receiv'd the same Deification from MACRINUS, who after he had caus'd him to be stabb'd, and was desirous of appealing the Praetorian Bands, who regretted the Death of a Prince whose Liberalities they had so often enjoy'd, erested a Temple, and establish'd a Priesthood of Flamins in "his Honour.

, .T^iis preserv'd his Memory from all de;glkd?ng Imputation's, e and the Senate not :<krkig to cerisure him, he was not ranked aniong the Tyrants, like Commodus, who 1iad not done more to deserve that Title.than himself.

As jto the Two great Emperors Adrian and Sevtrus f, one establilh'id and the other relaxed the. military Discipline, and the Events exactly corrtsponded with their Causes: The Reigns which succeeded that of Adrian were a Series of Happiness and

c ^Klius Lampridius in Vita Alex and. Sweri. f See the Abridgment of Xipkil. in the Life of Adri~ tn, and Htrodiun in the Life of Severus,

Tranquillity; but after the Death of Sevems? nothing was seen but a Succession of Calamities and Horrour.

Caracalla had confin'd himself to np Limitations in his Prodigality to the Soldiers, and in that Particular he acted conformably to the Sentiments of his Father, who, on his Death-Bed, advis'd him to enrich the Army and disregard all the rest of Mankind.

But these Politicks could be only accommodated to one Reign; for the Successbr, being no longer able to continue thole Expences, was soon assassipated by the Army: So' that the Emperors who were eminent for Wisdpm, were always murder'd by theSotdiers; and those, whose Lives were infamous, were destroy'd either by the Cohspiracies or Edicts of the Senate.

When a Tyrant suffer'd himself to be entirely influenced by the Army, and left the Citizens expos'd to their licentious Depredations, such injurious Proceedings cpuld not be extended beyond the Period o£'bh& Reign; because the Soldiers, in conlequdice of their Devastations, impoverish*d the People, and defeated theimelves of their Pajr by that Event. It therefore became necessary to reform the military Discipline, which was a Project dways fatal to the Persbn who presum'd to attempt it.

When Caracalla lost his Life by the Treachery of Macrinus, the Soldiers, in Despair at the Death of a Prince whose Liberality had been dispens'd to them with an unlimited Flow g , elected HELIOGABALUS, and when he by his Prostitution to infamous PJeasures, and the Jawless Extravagancies he suffer'd the Army to commit, grew contemptible even in their Eyes, they dispatch'd him by an Asiassination. The same Fate attended ALEXANDER, who was preparing to rescore the true military Discipline, and thrcatned to punilh the Soldiers for their Misconduct.

In this Manner a Tyrant, who instead of being sollicitous for his Sasety, affected an Ability to be criminal, perish'd with the fatal Advantage of being murder'd a few

g These liberal Donations to the Soldiers were introduc'd by an ancient Cultorn, eilablish'd in the Republic. The Pcrson to whom a Triumph was decreed distribnted a few Denarii among the Soldiers, out of the Money takeja frojn the Enemy. During the Civil Wars, the Army and their General being equally corrupt, these Gifts became immense, tho' they were sei?,M out of the Citizens Effeich; and the Soldiers claim'd a Distribution, even when there was no Booty to furnish it. Cæsar, Octavius, and Antbttiy, frequently bestow'd Five thousand Dniaru on a common Soldier, they doubled that Sum to ihe Officer of the Band, and gave proportionably to the rest. A Roman Denarius waj equal in Value to Ten of those Pieces call'd Ast and one As was equivalent to a Pound of Copper.

Days before another who would willingly have been a better Man.

After the Death of Alexander, the Imperial Dignity was transferr'd to MAXIM IN, who was the first Emperor of Barbarian Ex:traction, and had been distinguish'd by his Strength and gigantic Stature.

This Prince and his Son, were likewise (lain by the Soldiers. The two first GORDIANS pcrished in Africa: MAXIMUS, BALBIN us, and the third GORDIAN were massacred: PHILIP, who had caus'd the young Gordian to be destroy'd, was himself slain with his Son; and PECIUS, who was chosen to succeed him, was murder'd in his turn by the Treason of GALLUS h.

The Roman Empire was improperly sb denominated at that time, and might "rather be calPd an irregular Commonwealth, nearly resembling the Aristocracy ofs/lgiers, where the Militia, who are inverted wit4i the sovereign Power, elecl and depose the

h Casaubon observes, on the Historia Augusta, tiiat during the Period of 160 Years which it comprehends, there were seventy Persons, who justly or ptherwije, had the Title of C*sar. Adeo erdnt in ailio PrmijtoWj quem tametr omnes m(ransurt Comitia Imperil spmpW intctta. So uncertain, to the AJloniJhment of at/, were the Ek&iens in that Empire. Which Circumstance* sufficiently manifests the Difference between the Roman Govern-* ment and that of France, where for the Jong Space of Twelve hundred Years, no more than Sixty three Kin^s have reign*d.

Magistrate they call the Dey, and it may perhaps be taken for a general Rule, that a military Government is, in some respecls, a Republic rather than a Monarchy.

But left any one should imagine the Soldiers had no other Share in the Government than what they extorted by their Disobedience and Insurrestions, let it be ask'd whether the Orations in which the Emperors address'd themselves to the Army, were not at last very correspondent to those which the Consuls and Tribunes formerly made to the People ? And tho' the Soldiers had no particular Place to assemble in, nor were under the Regulation of any certain Terms; tho* the Temper of their Minds was not usually serene, their Proceedings consisting of Action rather than Deliberation, did they not however dispose of the public Fortune with a sovereign Authority? What was an Emperor but the Minister of a violent and tumultuous Government, and did not the Soldiers clect him for their own particular ton ve^ience ?

When the Army assbciated -into the Empire1, Philip^ the Prsetorian Prefect of the Third Gwdian, this Prince claimed the Exercise of an undivided Command, but did not succeed in his Pretensions i he then reqtiested the Army to divide the Power equal-

* See Julius Capitolinus.

Jy between them, but to as little Effect; he next in treated them to leave him the Title of Ccesar^ and was still refus'd; he afterwards sollicited them to create him Prefect of the Praetorian Bands, and met with the usual Repulse ; till at last he was reduced to plead for his Life. The Army, in the Instance before us, exercis'd the Supreme Magistracy in their several Decisions.

The Barbarians were at first unknown to the Romans^ and for some time afterwards only incommodious, but at last they became formidable to them, by an Event altogether unparallePd at that time, and which perhaps may never be equalPd hereaster. Rome had so effectually extinguish'd all Nations, that when Ihe at last was vanquish'd in her1 turn, the Earth seem'd to produce a new Race of Mankind, to accomplish her Destruction,

Those Princes who have large Dominions seldom find them border'd by any Territories considerable enough to be the Objecls of their Ambition j and should there be any such, they would naturally be swallow'd up in a Series of Conquest. We wijl say they are bounded then by Sea and Mountains and vast Dcsarts, where Sterility renders them contemptible. The Romans for this Reason suffer'd the Germans to range in their Forests and gloomy Wilds, and kt the Northern Nations shiver amidst the Po-*

lar Snow; and yet those inhospitable Regions produced a Pepple, who at lastenslav'd the Conquerors of the World.

In the Reign of Callus a mighty Colledtion of Nations, who afterwards became more celebrated, spread their Ravages thro* all Europe, and the Pcrsians having invaded Syria, abandon'd their Conquests only to preserve their Booty.

The miserable Disorders which had so

long been springing up in the several Successions of the Emperors, were now come to their fatal Maturity, and that Period which was concurrent with the Close of VALERIAN'S Reig^n, and the Duration of that of his Son GALLIENUS, produced Thirty Pretenders to the Empire, the greatest part of whom being swept away by their mutual Contentions, their Devastations were limited to a short Reign; and they gain'd nothing durable but the Appellation of the Thirty Tyrants.

Valerian having been taken Prisoner by the Perstans, and his Son Gallienus neglecting the public Affairs, the Barbarians penetrated into all Parts, and the Empire was now in the same Condition it was afterwards reduc'd 'to in the Westk, at the

* An Hundred and fifty Years after this Event, the Barbarians invaded the Empire in the Reign of Ho~ wrim.

Close of another Century, and it would then have felt its last Convulsions, had not a happy Conjunction of Events interposed for its Preservation.

ODENATUS, Prince of Palmyra^ and one of the Roman Allies, dislodg'd theFtr/ians* who had invaded the greatest part ofd/ia: Rome furnish'd an Army of its own Citizens, and they eftcctnally deliver'd it from the Barbarians who came to pillage their City: An innumerable Army of Scythians^ who put to Sea in a Fleet of Fivs thousand Ships, entirely pcrish'd by Storms, Fatigue" and Famine, and wen by their formidable Grandeur; and Gallienus being at iast.£Lnn.* CLAUDIUS, AURELIAN, TACITUS and PROBUS, who happily succeeded him, arid were four extraordinary Princes, snatchM the Empire from the Verge of Ruin.



Changes in the 'STATE.

»nr"* H E Emperors, to prevent the conti]L nual Treasons of the Army, assbciated into the Government proper Persons in whom they might confide, and DIOCLESIAN, under pretext of the Weight and Multiplicity of the public Affairs, establishcd a Law, that there should always be Two Emperors and as many Cæsars. He judged that by this Proceeding, the four principal Armies being posiess'd by the Partners in the Empire, would naturally intimidate one another, and that the inferior Armies being too weak to have any Thoughts of railing their Chiefs to the Imperial Dignity, their Custom of Election would be gradually discontinu'd, and entirely abolilh'd at last. Besieles, the Dignity of the Casat*s being always subordinate, that Power, which, for tte Security oT'the Government, was in the Participation of Fouri would be exercis'd in its full Extent by no more than Two.

The,Soldiers were Jikewise restrain'd from their Exorbitances by considering, that as the Riches of particular Persons as well as the public Treasure were considerably diminish'd, the Emperors were in no Condition to offer them such large Donations as

formerly, and consequently the Gratuities would be no longer proportionable to the Danger of a newElection.

We may add to this, that the Prefects of the Praetorian Bands, whose Power and Employments rendred them the Grand Visiers of those Times, and frequently tempted them to murder their Emperors, in order to raise themselves to the Throne, were greatly reduced by Conjlantine^ who diverted them of all but their Civil Functions, and augmented their Number to Four instead of Two.

The Lives of the Emperors began now ' to be in greater Security, and they might reasonahly expect to die peaceably in their Beds. This Circumstance seems in some measure to have softned their Dispositions, and they no longer shed human Blood with the barbarous Prodigality of their Predecessors. But as the immdnse Power they still possess'd must needs have some particular Tendency, it began to manifest it self in a Species of Tyranny less glaring than the former. The Subjects were no longer affrighted with inhuman Massacres, but then they were harass'cl by unjust Sentences and Forms of Judicature, which seem'd to defer Death only to render Life it self uncomStable. The Court govern'd, and was likewise sway'd in its Turn, by a greater Variety of Artifices and a more exauisits

Train of political Refinements, which were conducted with greater Silence than usual. In a word, initead of an unterrifkd Disposition to, form a bad Action, and a cruel Precipitation to commit it, those gigantic Iniquities shrunk into the Vices of weak Minds, and could only be called languid Crimes.

A new Train of Corruption was now introduc'd, the first Emperors pursu'd Pleaiiires, but these sunk into Softness. They ih&w'd themselves with Jess Frequency to the Soldiers, were more indolent and fonder of their Domestics, more devoted to the Palace, and more ahstracted from the Empire.

The Poison of the Court grew more malignant in proportion to the Disguise it asium'd. All direct Terms were disus'd in Diicourse, and distant Insimratipns became the Dialect of the Palace. Every stining Reputation was suilied, and the MintH&rs as well m the Officers of the Army were perpetually left to the Discretion of that sort of People, who, as they cannot be useful to the State themselves, suffer none to serve it with Reputation and Glory. In a word, that Affability of the first Emperors, whkh alone qualify'd them for an Insight iatQttair Affairs, was now entirely discarded? Tte Prince had no Informations, but what were coavey'd to him by the Canal of a few Fa-

vourites, who being always in Concert together, and even when they seem'd to disagree in their Opinions, were only in the Province of a single Person to their Sovereign.

The Residence of several Emperors, in Asia, and their perpetual Competition with the Kings of Persia, made them form a Resolution to be ador'd like those Monarchs; and Dioclesian, tho' others say Galerius, pubiish'd an Edict to that Effeci.

This pompous Imitation of the Asiatic Pride being once establish'd, the People were soon habituated to such a Spestaek* and when Julian would have regulated his^ Conduct by a modest Simplicity of Manners, that Proceeding which was no more than a Renovation of the ancient Behaviour, was imputed to him as a reproachful Inattention to his Dignity.

Tho' several Emperors had-reign'd aftelr Marcus Aurelius^ yet the Empire was undivided, j and as the Authority of those Princes was acknowledged in all the Provinces, it was but one Power tho' exercii'd by many Persons.

But GALERIUS * and COKSTANTIUS CHLORUS, being at Variance with each other, divided the Empire in Reality, and this Example, which was afterwards fo!-

» Sec Orosus, L. VII. and Aurelius Vittor.

low'd by CONSTANTINE, who pursu'd tlie Plan of Galerius and not that of Dioclesian^ introduced a Custom which might be call'd a Revolution rather than a Change.

We may likewise add, that the strong Desire of Constantine to be the Founder of a new(City, and an Impulse of Vanity to distinguish it by his own Name, determined him to transfer the Seat of Empire to the East. Though Rome was far from being so

spacious within the Walls as it is at present, yet the Suburbs were prodigiously extensive: Italy was fill'd with Seats of Pleasure, and might properly be calPd the Garden of Rome. The Husbandmen were in SitUy^ Africa and Egyptb; but the Gardeners Ihr'd altogether in Italy. The Lands were generally cultivated by the Slaves of the Roman Citizens, but when the Seat of Empire was establish'd in the East, all Rome WS in a manner transplanted to that Situation, Thither did the Grandees send their Slaves, or in other Words, the greatest part of the People, and Italy was almost exhausted of its Inhabitants,

& Corn, {ay« Tacitus, was formerly exported from Italy to the dlstant Provinces, and it is not a barren Land now, but we'cultivate Africa and EgyJ>t* s&d choose to expose the Lives of the Roman People to Janger.

It was Constantine's Intention that theneW City should not be inferior in any particular to the old one, and therefore he took Care to have it sufficiently supply'd with Corn, commanding all the Harvest of Egypt to be sent to Constantinople, and consigning that of Africa to Rome, which does not seem to have been a very judicious Proceeding.

Whilst the Republick subsisted, the People of Rome, who were then the Sovereigns of all other Nations, became naturally intituled to a Proportion of the Tribute: This Circumstance induced the Senate to sell them Corn, at firlt, for a. low Price, and afterwards to make a gratuitous Distribution of it among them; and when Monarchy it self was introduced, this latter Custom was still continued, tho' entirely oppoiite to the Principles of that Form of Government. 'Tis true, the Abuse .remained unre6tified through an Apprehension of the Incoveaiencies that would have risen from its Dit continuance; but when Constantine founded a new City he establilhed the same Custom without the least Appearance of Reason.

When Augustus had conquered Egypt* he conveyed the Treasure of the Ptolenys to 'Rome^ and this Proceeding occasioned much the same Revolution, which the Dis<?0very of the Indies afterwards effected in MuMpe^ and which some ridiculous Schemes

have since accomplished in our Time. The Revenue was doubled at Rome, c and as that City continued to absprb ail the Riches of Alexandria, which was it self the Repository of the Treasures of Africa and the Eastv Gold and Silver by these Means became very common in Europe, and the People were able to pay very considerable Taxations even in Money.

But when the Empire was afterwards divide .i, all these Riches flowed in a full Tide to Constantmople \ and we may add to this unhappy Circumstance, that the Mines in Germany d had not then been opened ; that those" of Italy and Gaul were very few and inconsiderable, and that the Mines of Spain had not been worked since the Carthaginians lost that Country, or at least they were not sa productive as formerly, Italy it self was now a continued Waste of forsaken Gardens, and consequently could not be in any Conditio$ to dr^wMortey from the East, whilst the West at the same Time was drained of all its Wealth, by the oriental Merchants who supplied the Inhabitants with their necessary Commodities. Gold and Silver,

c Sue ton. in Aygust. Or os- \. 6. The Macedonian Treasures which had been carried thither caused alt Tributes to cease: Unius Imperator!* praJa finem 0tty/it tributorttm. Cic. de OHic 1. 2.

d Tacitus demoribus (jeiMancrum, declares this in expresa Terms.

by these Means, became extremely scarce in Europe, and yet the Emperors extorted the same pecuniary Tributes as formerly, which compleated the general Destruction.

When a Government has been established in one certain Form, and its political Circumstances are ad justed to a particular Situation, it is generally prudent to leave them in that Condition; for the same Causes which have enabled such a State to subsUJ:, tho' they may frequently be complicated and unknown, willstill continue it; but when the whole System is changed, 'Remedies can only be accommodated, to the. Inconveniencies visible in the Theory, whilit others, which nothing but Experience can point out, are lurking without Opposition, in the new Plan.

For these Reasons, tho* the Empire grew already too great, yet it was effectually ruined by the Divisions into which it was- parcelled, because all the Parts of this vast Body, had for a long series of Time1 been arranged so as to become settled and steady, and were compacted by a mutual Dependency through the whole.

Constantme, c after he had weakened the Capital, proceeded to impair the Fontiers

c This Account of Constantine's Proceedings no way contractors thv !�.< i-lesnllical Writers who declare they coufine. themicivo to thoic Actions of this Prince which

by drawing off those Legions who were stationed on the Banks of great Rivers, and distributing them into the Provinces; this Innovation was extremely prejudicial in more Instances than one; for as the Barrier which comprehended so many Nations was now removed; so the Soldiers f pa£ fed all their Time, and grew effeminate in the Circus and the Theatres g.

When Julian was sent by Constantius into Gaul, he found that fifty Towns on the Rhine, h had been taken by the Barbarians, that the Provinces were all plundered, and that there was now no more than the Shadow of a Roman Army, which fled at the very mention of the Enemies Name.

had any Relation to Religion, without concerning themselves with the political Transaclions in that Reign. Euseb. Life of Constantiney 1. i.e. 9. Socrates 1. i.c.i.

* Zozimus 1. 2.

8 After the Establishment of Christianity, the Combat* of Gladiators were very scldom exhibited, and Constantine prohibited them by his Authority ; but this barbarous Custom was not entirely abolished till the Time of Honorius. The Romans retained nothing of. their,ancient Shows, but what tended to emasculate their-Minds and allure them to pleasure In former Times, the Soldiers before they took the Field were eatertaiacd with a Combat of Gladiators, to habituate them to the Sight of Blood and Weapons of War, and to inspire them with Intrepidity when they engaged the Enemy, Jul. Capit. JLife of Maximus and Ballynus.

b dmmian, Marctt/in. 1. 16,17, and i 8.

This Prince by his Wisdom, * and Perseverance, join'd with Oeconomy Conduct and Valour, and prospered by a noble Series of heroic Actions, chased the Barbarians out of their new Settlements, and his Name became a Terror as long as he lived k.

No Prince saw the Necessity of restoririg the ancient Plan, more than VALENTINIAN. His whole Life YV as employed in fortifying the Banks of the Rhine^ makirfg Levies, railing Castles, placing Troops in proper Stations, and* furnilhing them with Subsiltance on those Frontiers; but an Eveht that afterwards happened, determined his Brother VALENS to open the Danube* and that Proceeding was attended with very dreadful Consequences.

That Trad of Land which lies between the Palus Mteotis, the Mountains of Caucasus and the Caspian Sea, was inhabited by a numerous People who composed the great Part of the Nation of the Huns or that of the Alans; the Soil was exceeding fertile ��> the Inhabitants were fond ofWars and Robberies; and were always either on Horseback or in their Chariots, and wandred about the Country wherein they were

* Ammlan Mar eel tin. ibid.

k Sec the noble Panegyrick made by Ammi&nus MarttllJnus on this Prince, I 25.

inclosed: They sometimes made Depredations on the Frontiers of Persia and Armenia ; but the Ports of die Caspian Sea were easily guarded, and it was difficult for them to penetrate into Persia, by any other- Avenues ; and as they imagined it impracticable to cross the Palus Mectis^ they were altogether unacquainted with the Romans,

so that whilst other Nations si Barbarians ravaged the Empire, these confined them within the Limits which their Ignorance had drawn around them.

It has been the Opinion of some, 1 that the SJirne which was rolled down by the Current of the Tanais* had by Degrees formed a Kind of Incrustation on the Surface of the Cimmerian Be/pkor us i over which these People are suppqsed to have passed. Others m kform us, that two young Scytbiatts being in full Pursuit of a Hind, the terrified Creature swam over that Arm of $p Sea, upon which the Youths immediately following her in the same Track, were exceedingly astonished to find themselves in a new World ; and at the Return to the old one, they gave their Countrymen D a particular Account of the st range l^nds, and, if I may be indulged in the

* Zozimus. 1. 4.

m JornanAes de rebui Geticis. The MisceUa'n�DW>* Hid. of Procopius. n PideSozomen. 1. 6.

Expression, the inviting Indies they had lately discovered.

Upon this Information, an innumerable Army of Huns immediately pasied those Streights, and meeting first with the Goths* made that People fly before them. It should seem as if these mighty Countries poured their Nations out precipitately upon one another, and that Asia had acquired a newWeight to make it preponderate the European Power.

The Goths fled in theutmostConsternation to the Banks of die Danube, and with a suppliant Air intreated the Romans to allow them a Place of Refuge. The Flatterers 0 of VALENS improved this Cppjuncturp, and represented it as a fortunate Coriquest of a new People, who by the Accessipn of their Numbers would defend and enrich the Empire.

VALENS ordered them to be admitted into his Territories, upon delivering up. their Arms, p but his Officers suffered them

0 Ammiau. MarcelUn* 1. 29.

P Several of those who had received these Orders abandoned themselves to a brutal Passion for spme pf the male Refugees, others were cnsnarcd by the Beau-ty of the young ^r^rM/// of the other Sex, and became the Captives of their female Slaves: A third Sort were corrupted by Presents in Money, Linen Habits, an?l fringed Mantles, and all their Thoughts only tended-to .tqgich their Houses with Slaves, and to stock thek Farms with Cattle. Dexip.

to repurchase with their Money as many as they pleased; they were afterwards, distributed into several Allotments of Land; but the Gotbs, q contrary to the Custom of the Huns^ did not cultivate the Portions of Ground assigned them. They were even left destitute of the promised Supplies of Corn, and were ready to perish amidst a Land of Plenty; they were armed for War, and yet unjustly insulted. In Consequence of these Provocations they ravaged all the Country from the Danube to the Bospborus; they destroyed VALENS and all his Army, and repassed the Danube only to quit the hideous Solitude they had effected by their Devastatjons r.

i See the Gotblck History by Priscus, who has set this Difference of Customs in a clear Light. It may be asked perhaps, how it was possible for Nations who never cultivated their Lands, to be so powerful, when those of America are so very weak: It is because People who follow a pastoral Life are furniihed with a better Subsistence, than those who live by the Chace.

Jt appears by the Account given by Ammianus Marcellinus that the Huns in their first Settlements did not manure their Lands, and only subsisted on their Flocks and Herds in a Country that abounded with rich Pastures, and was watered with many Rivers; such is the P*a£Uee of the Inhabitants of little Tartary, which is Part of the same Country. And it is probable that the Nltions we have been (peaking of, having, after their Mlgiitions from their native Land, settled in Cou^tpip, ttot afforded little or no Pasturage for their Cattle, 'applied themsidves to the Cultivation of the Soil.

r See Zozimus l. 4. See also Dexippuss ExtrtMJ£ the Embassies of Qonstantine porpbyrogenttus.


An Account of seme new Maxims received by

the Romans.

SOmetimes, the Pusilanimous Spirit of the Emperors, and frequently the Desenceless State of the Empire, made the People employ their Money to appease the Nations who threatned to invade them; but the desired Peace could never be effectually purchased, because those who sold it could, whenever they pleased, oblige the Romans to buy it again.&

It is much better to hazard an unsucceisful War, than to part with great Sums For a precarious Peaqe; for a Prince, is always respected when it is known he will make a long ResisUnce before he can* be vanquished.

Besides, such Gratifications as these were changed into Tribute at last, and tho* they were free at the Beginning, they becarrie nccdssary in the Event, and passed for atl acquired Property: For which Reason, when an Emperor refused them to some particular People, or was not disposed to give them so much as they demanded, diey irmcfll^diately declared themselves his morral Enemies. To produce an Instance or two, from a thousand; the Army which Julian

led againtt the Perstans9 a was pursued .in its Retreat from the East, by the Arabians^ to whom the Customary Tribute had been refuted ; and in a short time afterwards, in the Reign of Vdlentinidn, the Germans b who had been offered rnore inconsiderable

Presects than usual, grew exasperated at that disobliging Frugality, and these Northern People being already .influenced by a Point of Honour avenged themsejves, for this pretended Insuit', by a cruel Wan

All those Nations who sur'rounded the Empire in Europe and Asia, exhausted it by Degrees 6f its Riches; and as the Romans derived their Grandeur and Power from the Gold and Silver, which flowed into the Empire from the Coffers of so many Kings; they now gPew weak and despicable, c because the sime Gold and Silver was drained from them by other Nations.

a Ammian. Marcellin. 1. 24.

b Idem. 1. 26.

c You would willingly be rich, said Julian to his mutinou* Army, there's Perjia for your Purpose, Jet us march thither; for believe me, all the Riches of the Rvman Republic arc now po more, our Poverty is owing to those who persuaded5 our Princes to purchase Peace from the Barbarian*. Our Tteasury is exhausted, our Cities arc iu Ruins, and our Provinces look dreadful with DesolaMon. An Emperor who knows 00 Riches but those cf the Mind is not amamed to^cknowledge a vertuous and irreproachable Poverty. YoU may revolt if you are so dispoiedj for my Part, ^Mer

The Misconduct of Politicians is not always voluntary, but happens frequently to be the unavoidable Consequence of their particular Situation, and therefore one Inconvenience is generally the Offspring of another.

The Army as we have already declared, became very expensive to the State, and the Soldiers had three Sorts of Advantages ; their Ordinary Pay, Donations' of Recompense after their Services, arid accidental Liberalities, which were' often claimed as stated Properties by a Body of Men who had both Princes and People in their Power.

' The Inability of the People to futtiUh* these Expences, obliged them to eipploy a less chargeable Soldiery, and Treaties were struck up with barbarous Nations, who had neither the Luxury of the Roman Army, nor the same Spirit and Etercnsions.

There was another Advantage, besides this; for as the Barbarians poured their Troops into a Gountry with t!he greatest Precipitation, the Romans being unprovided for their Reception and finding itsometimes

Death shall relieve me, for I scorn a Life of which the leait Feaver can deprive me, as effectually* as my Sword; or I will retire from the World, for I have not passed my Days in such a Manner .as to be incapable of a private Life. Amm> Marcett. 1. 24.

difficult to raise Levies in the Provinces, were obliged to hire another Party of Bar~ larians^ who were always mercenary, and eager for Battle and Plunder. This Expedient had its Use in the present Emergency, but when that was over, the Romans foundit as difficult to rid themselves of their new Allies, as of their Enemies themselves.

The ancient Romans never suffered the auxiliary Troops to outnumber their own, in their Armies ; d and tho' their Allies might properly be reputed their Subjects, yet they had no Inclination to let those Subjects be better ^Warriors than themselves.

But in the latter Times, this Proportion of the Auxiliaries was not only disregarded, but even the . national Troops were comppsed of Barbarian Soldiers.

Thus were Customs established, quite opposite to those which had render'd the Romans Matters of the World, and as the Genius of their former Politics always promoted them to reserve the military Art to themselves, and exclude their Neigh* hours from any Participation of its PrincL


d This Observation is made by Vegetius, and it appears from Livy* that if the Auxiliaries sometimes exceeded the Romans in Number, the Superiority was very iikonsiderabta

pies, they now extinguished it in their own People, and established it among Foreigners.

Take this Compendium of the Roman History; they subdued all Nations, by their Maxims, but when they had so far succeeded^ their Republic could" not subsist any longer; the Plan of their Government must be changed, and Maxims contrary to the first, being then introduced, they were diverted of all their Grandeur.

Fortune never interposes in the Governrnent of this World, and we may be convinced of this Truth by the Romans, who enjoyed a continual Series of Prolperity vhen* they regulated their Conduct by one invariable Plan ; but they suffered an uninterrupted Train of Calamities, when they acted upon different Principles. There are a set of general Causes, either Moral .or Physical, which operate in every Monarchy, and either raise and mantain it, or else involve it in Ruin. All accidental Conjunctures are subordinate to these Causes; and if the Hazard of a Battle, which in other Wcaxls is no more than a particular Cause, has been destrustive to a State, some General G&use presided and made a single Battle be the inevitable Ruin of that State. In a Word, the Tendency of the main Prin-

ciple draws after it all the particular incidents.

We are sensible,-that for two Centurie$ past, the Dani/h Troops have been generally defeated by the SweJes? we may therefore conclude, that, independent of the Bravery of the two Nations, and the Chance of War, either their civil or military Government is disconceited by some secret Flaw which produces this Effect, and I am of Opinion it may easily be discovered.

In a Word, the Romans lost their military Discipline, and even neglected it in their very Arms. , Vegetlus e acquaints us, that the Soldiers finding them too ponderous, obtain'd the Emperor Gratian's PermisTion to quit their Coats of Mail ; and soon after their Helmets, and when their Bodies were thus defenceless, they grew attentive to nothing but Flight.

The same Author adds, they had lost the Art of fortifying their Camp, and that by this Negligence they were easily overwhelmed by the Barbarian Horse.

The Romans arrived at universal Monarchy not only by the Arts of War, but likewisc by their Wisdom, their Perseverance, 'their passion for Glory, and their

e Dt re Militari, 1 i. c. 20.

heroic Love for their Country: and when even these Virtues disappeared under the Emperors, and they had only the Art Military among them, yet this alone, notwithstanding the Weakness � and Tyranny of their Princes, enabled them to pseserve their former Acquisitions. But when Corruption had at last insmuated it self among the Soldiery, they became the Prey of every Nation.

An Empire founded by Arms, must likewise have Arms for its Support. But as a People, when their State is in Confusion, are at a I/)ss how to rectify their civil Disorders, in the same Manner, when they enjoy a profound Peace,. and 'are respe<5led for their Power, they never imagine this calm Scene may change, and consequendy neglect their military Force, from whence as they have nothing, more to hope, so they fancy th^y have all things to fear, and sbmetimes proceed

so far as to weaken that Basis of their Welfare.

It was an inviolable Law among the Romans, that whoever abandoned his Post or quitted his Arms in the Combat, mould be puniihed with Death. Julian and Valentian^ had reinforced the ancient Penalties in this Particular, but the Barbarians who

were taken into the Roman Pay, f and were accustomed to make War in the Manner now practised by the* Tartars, who flie in order to rally, and are more sollicitous for plunder than martial Reputation, were incapable of conforming to such severe Regulations.

The Discipline of the ancient Romans was so strict, that they have had Generals who sentenced their own Child to die, for gaining a Battle without their Orders : But when they were intermixed with the Barbarians, they contracted from that Assbciation, the same Spirit of Independency which marks out the Character of those Nations; and such who read the Wars of Belisarius with the Goths, will see a General very frequently disobeyed by his Officers.

Sylla and Sertorius amidst the Fury of Civil Wars would rather die than sufferany Action to be committed from whence Mithrldates could derive the least Advantage; but in the succeeding Times, when a Mini-

f They would not submit to the Roman DiscipJine. See Ammianut Manellinus \. 18. who relates it as an extraordinary Circumstance, that they condescended in one Instance to please Julian, who intended to fortify several Places belonging to the State.

ster g or any Grandee imagined it would be favourable to his Avarice, his Revenge, or Ambition to admit the Barbarians into the Empire, he immediately permitted them to give a loose to their Depredations.

No State is more necessitated for Tributes, than those who are weak, because this Circumstance obliges them to augment their Charges in Proportion to the People's Inability to defray them; and therefore the Tributes in \hzRoman Provinces became insupportable.

It would not be improper to read Salvian's h Account of the horrible Exactions ,that were charged upon the People. The Citizens were so harrasied by the Farmers op the Revenue, that they were obliged either to seek a Refuge among the Barbarians, or surrender their Liberty to the first of their insatiable Countrymen who would accept of such a Prescnt.

8 This was not to be wondered at in that Mixture of Nations, who had been used to a wandring Life, and had no Knowledge of any Country of their own, since entire Bodies of them would frequently side with th-e Enemy who had conquered them, even against their own Nation. See Procopiuss Account of the Goths under Vitiges.

h See his whole fifth Book, de Qubernatione Dei* §ee alib in the Account of the Embassy written by PrJ/tps, the Speech of a Roman who had settled among the Huns, on his Happiness in that Country.

1 This may account for the Relations we find in our French History, of the Patience with which the Gauls supported a Revolution calculated to establish that shocking Distinclion between a gallant Nation., and a Community of servile Wretches, I say between a Nation who retained their Liberty and military Privileges, and an ignoble Body of People, who were destined by the Laws of their Servitude, to cultivate the Land, and which was to be the conitant Employment of each individual.

» The Barbari/nu introdaced nothing but what had been pra&ised.with greater Severity before their Set* tkcoeat k tlsose Part?, See Salvian 1. 5.



Some Particulars of the Grandeur of A T T i L A.. The Establishment of the Barbarians accounted for. Reasons ivhy the Westcrn Empire was overturn'd, before that in the East.

AS Christianity was establisb'd when the Empire was in a declining Condition, the Professors of this Religion reproach'd the Pagans for that Decay, and these retorted the Charge on the religious. Doctrines of their An£agonists. The Chri'stians reply'd, that Diodesian a ruin'd the Empire, by asibciating his Three CoK leagues; because each Emperor would be altogether as expendve, and maintained as great Armies as could have subsisted had there been but one Sovereign ; in conseqaence of which, thole who furnish'd the Contributions being unequally proportioned to the Number of the Receivers, the Charge became so excessive, that the Lands wert forikken by the Husbandmen, and for want of Cultivation lay waste, and were covered with wild and barren Forests.

The Pagans, on the other hand, were perpetually exclaiming against the strange Innovations in Religion, introduc'd by their

* Lactantius, de morte Persecutor.

Adversaries and never heard of till those Days; and as the Overflowings of the Tj&r, and other prejudicial Effects of Nature, were, in the flourishing State of Rome, ascrib'd to the Displeasure of the Gods; sp the Calamities of declining Rome were imputed to a religious Novelty, and the Subversion of the antient Altars.

Symmacbus the Prefect, in a Letter b to the Emperors, relating to the Altar of Victory, attack'd the Christian Religion with Arguments extremely popular, and consequently very seducing, and had Art enough to set them off with all the Plausibility Invention could furn;lh.

What Circumstance, says he, can lead us more effectually to the Knowledge of the Gods, than the Experience of our former Prosperity ? We ought to be faithful to such a Series of Ages, and purfue the same Track in which our Fathers so happily follow'd their Ancestors. Imagine Rome her self speaks to you in this Manner: O Imperial Princes! Compassionate Fathers of your Country! Look with Eyes of Veneration on those Years of mine, wherein I always conformed to the Ceremonies of my Predecessbrs. Those sacred Institutions have made the Universe obedient to my Laws. Thele were the Allies that chased Hannibal from

*> Letters of Symtnac.L, X. I. 54..

my Walls, and drove the Gauls in Confusion from the Capitol. We servently ask Peace for the Gods of our Country, nay we sollicit it in the Anguish of our Souls, for our Compatriot Deities! We have no Inclination to engage in Disputes which are only proper for idle Persons, and we would express our selves in the Language of Supplication, and not of War.

Symmachus was answer'd by Three celebrated Authors. Orosus composed his History to prove there had always been Calamities in the World, as great as those complain'd of by the Pagans. Sahian likewise writ his Book % whenein he maintains, that the Ravages of the Barbarians were ta be imputed to the degenerate Behaviour of the Christians : And St. Austin d demonstrates,that the City of Heaven is very different from that City on Earth, in which the ancient Romans received, for a few human Virtues, a Recompence as vain as the Virtues, themselves.

We have already observ'd, that part ot the Polides of the ancient Romans consisted in dividing all the Powers that gave them any Umbrage* but that Sceme was defeated in after Times, and Rome could not prevent ATTILA from conquering all the Northern

« Qf the Government of the Deity. * Of the City of GOD.

Nations: He extended his Victories from the Damtbe to the Rbin�, demolish'd all the Forts and military Works on the Banks of rhose Rivers, and made both the Empires tributary.

THEODOSIUS, said hee, with an insolent Air, is descended from a Father as noble as mine, but the Moment I compelled him to pay Tribute to me, he fell from the Grandeur of his Extraction, and became my Vassal; and therefore 'tis unjust in him to act like a base Slave, and endeavour to prejudice his Mailer by Treachery.

An Emperor, said he, upon another Occasion, ought not to be a Liar; he promised one of my Subjects to give him the Daughter of Saturnilus in Marriage, and I will immediately declare War against him, if he presumes to depart from his Word ; but'if the Disobedience of those about him put it out of his Power to be punctual, I will march to his Assistance.

It is not to be imagin'd that Attila was induc'd by any Moderation and Lenity of Temper, to let the Romans subsist ; he only conform'd himself to the Genius of his Nation, which prompted them to awe, and not to conquer foreign States. This Prince

c History of the Gotbs, and Relation of the Embasiy, written by Priscus. This Emperor was TbeoJosius the Younger.

retiring from the Splendor of Majesty to his Mansion built of Wood; according to the Represcntation of Priseus f; though at the same time he was Lord of all the barbarous Nations, and in some degree Master of the chief part of those who were civiliz'd6, was one of the greatest Monarchs recorded in History.

Ambassadors were dispatch'd to his Court, both from the Eastern and Western Empires of the Romanj, to receive his Laws and implore his Favour. Sometimes he commanded them to deliver up the Huns who 'had deserted from his Armies, or the Roman Slaves who had escap'd from the Vigilance of his Officers. At other times he would not be satisfy'd till some Minister of the Emperor was surrender'd into his Power. He charg'd the Empire of the East with a Tribute of Two hundred thousand Pounds of Gold ; he receiv'cl the yearly Sum allowed to a Roman General, and sent those he

f History of the Goths, H<e scdes Regis Barbariem totam tenentii; hac taptis Cchitatibus habitacula prtepeneb<it. This was the Mtiijlcn in which the Monarch of all the Barbarian Nationj rrsided, this the Habitation wbi(h he prrfrrr'd to the stately Cities he had conquer*d. Jornandc de Rebus Get ids.

% It appears by the Account given by Priscus, that jhe Court of Attila h, cl Jbmc Thoughts of iiibje&ing evcn Uae Ptrsians.

intended to reward to Constantinople^ that they might be gratify'd to their utmpst Wish, ''making by this, Means a c&nstant Traffic of the Apprehensions of the Romans.

He was FearM by his Subje<5tsh, but we have, no Reason to believe they entertain'd any Aversion to his Person: He was surprizingly fierce and impetuous, and at the same time exceeding politic and artful. He appear'd violent in his Rage, but had a sufficient Presence of Mind to know when to pardon an Offence or defer a Punishment, as the Circumstances were more or less agreeable to his Interest. War was never his Choice, -when he could derive sufficient Advantages from Peace. He was faithfully serv'd even by the Kings who were subordinate to his Power; and had collected into his own Conduct all the ancient Simplicity of the Northern Manners. In a word, we can never lufficiently admire this gallant Sovereign of a People, whose very Children �Were warm*d with entnusiastic Rage, at the JRelation of their Father's Bravery; whilst those Fathers Hied manly Tears, because they were incapacitated by Age to imitate their martial Children.

h Jornandes and Priscus have drawn the Chara&er *>f tJhi Prince, and describ'd tlie Manncn of hiaCoiar.

All the Barbarian Nations, after his Death, were divided into several independent Bodies; but the Romans were then sa weak, that the most inconsiderable People were in a Condition to molest them.

The Empire was not ruin'd by any particular Invasion, but sunk gradually under the Weight of the several Attacks made UJN on it, after that general Assault it sustain'd in the Time of Callus: It seem'd indeed, to be reestablilh'd, because none of its Territories were dismembred from the main Body ; but it was stooping to its Fall by several

Degrees of Declei\sion, till it was at once laid low in the Reigns of ARCADIUS and HONORIUS.

In vain did the Romans chase the Barbarians from tneir Settlements in the Empire * that People, without any Compulsion would have retir'd, to deposite their Spoils in their own Country, With as little Success did Rome endeavour to exterminate that Nation, since her Cities were still sack'd j, her Villages consumM with Flames, and her Families either slaughter'd or dispers'd.

* The Goths were certainly a pernicious Nation, they destroyM all the Hulbandmen in Thrace, and cut off the Hands of every Charioteer. Byzantine History of M*A tbm, in the Extract of the Embattles,

When one Province had been wasted, the Barbarians who succeeded the first Ravagers, meeting with nothing for their Purpose, proceeded to another. Their Devastations at fiiil were limited to 'Thrace^ Mysia^ and Pannonia, and when these Countries Were ruin'd, they destroy'd Macedonia^ Thejjaly and Greece, from thence they expatiated to Noricum. The Empire, that is to say, those T racts of Land which were not depopulated, was continually shrinking, and Italy at last became the Frontiers.

The Reason why the Barbarians established themselves in no* fix'd Settlements in the Reigns of Callus and Gallienus, was because the Countries about them had somediing left that was worth plundering.

Thus the Normans, who in some measure resembled the Conquerors of the Empire, ravag'd France for several Centuries, and when at Jast they could find no more Booty, they thought fit to accept of a depopulated Province, and parceled it into several Properties.

Scythia in those Times, lying waste and uncultivatedk, the Inhabitants were fre-

* The Goths, as we have intimated, did i^t ctthivate their Lands.

quently sabject to Famine, andiiibfisted in a great measure by their Commerce with the Romans l, who furnish'd them with Pinovisions from the Provinces bordering on the Danube. The Barbarians in return gave them the Booty and Prisoners they had taken, and the Gold and Silver which the Romans paid them for their Friend/hip. But when the Empire could no longer afford them a sufficient Triba-te for their Subsistence m, they w^ere oblig'd to fix themselves in some Settlement.

The Western Empire was destroy'd be'fore that in the East, for these Reasons.

When the Barbarians passed the Dsrnube* they found themselves block'd up on the left Hand by the Bospborus of Tbrace, the Qty of Constantinople, and all the Forces of the

The Vandals call'd them Trulli, which was the Name of a srnall Measurc, because tlvey once sold them such a Measure of Corn very dear, in a Famine. Olymphdor. in Bibliotb. Phot. L. XXX.

' Priscus relates in his Hiitory, that Markets were establishM by Treaties on the Banks of the Danube. »

m When the Goths sent to desireZi^ to receive Tbeuderic the Son of Triarius into his Alliance, on the Terms accorded by him'to 7"bender-ic the Son of Balamer, the Senate being consulted on this Occasion, said the Revenues of the Empire were not sufficient to support two Gothic Nations, and that the Alliance of only one of them was to be consented to* MalchusV History, in tbe Extract of the EmbaJJies.

Eastern Empire; this made it necessary for them to bend their March to the Right towards Illyria^ and so proceed westward. That part of the Country was then crowded with a vast conflux of several Nations ; and, as the Passages into Asia were the belt guarded, the whole Body of the People bore with a full Tide into Europe^ whereas the Forces of the Barbarians were separated in their first Invasion.

The Empire being parceled out into two great Portions", the Eastern Emperors who were then in Alliance with the Barbarians0, would not break it to assist the Princes of the West: And as all the naval Power was transferr'd to the Eastp, as well as to ££ypt-> Cyprus^ Phoenicia^ Ionia and Greece* which were the only Countries where any Commerce was carry'd on ; the Vandah %

n This Partition of the Empire was very prejudicial to the Affairs of the Western Romans. Prtscus, L- II.

° Honorius was inform'd, that the Visigotbs had made a Descent into the Western Empire, after an Alliance viiikdrcaditts. Procop. of the Vandal War.

P When they desir'd a Fleet of the Eallern Remans, they were refus'd by them, and they alledg'd for their Excuse, that they were in Alliance with Genserir. Trijt

4US* L. II.

^ An EmbasTy was sent to Constantinople bv the I(a» Jiam, to represent the Jmpossibility of supporting Afrairs without a Reconciliation with the Vandals. Prikus> L. II.

with their Barbarian Confederates, burst like a Torrent into every part of the Western Empire.

The Emperors of the East were still more injurious than these fierce People j for as those Princes were desirous to disencumber themselves of such troublesome Neighbours, they persuaded them to carry their Con<}uests into the West. Thus Zeno, to rid himself of neodoricy prevailed upon him to invade Italy, which had already been ravaged bydlaric.

Rome might call'd a City of no Force, and could easily be starv'd by an Enemy. The vast Extent of its Walls made it almost impracticable for the Inhabitants to defend them; and, as it was situated in a Plain, it might be storm'd without muck Difficulty. Besides this, no Recruits were to be expected, for the Number of People was so extremely diminish'd, that the Emperors were oblig'd to retire to Ravenna^ a City once fortify'd by the Sea, as Venice is at this Time. The Romans being generally abandon-d by their Princes, began to take the sovereign Power into their own Hands, and stipulated for their Sasety by Treatiesr, which is the most likely Me-

* In the Time of Honoring Alaric, who besiegcd Rime, oblig'd that City to enter into an Alliance witk

thod of acquiring the Supreme Authority.

This was the fatal Period of the Western Empire. Rome ascended to such a Height of Grandeur, because the Scenes of her former Vyars operi'd in Succeillon, and by an incredible Felicity of Affairs ihe was never attack'd by one Nation till another had been first destroy'd; bat Rome it self was overwhelm'd at last, becaiise ihe was invaded at once by all the Nations around her.

him, even against the Emperbr, who was in no Condition to oppose it. Procop. War of the Goths, L. L Zo&m. L. VI.

Armorica and, Brittany seeing themselvw forsaken, began to regulate thcmselves by their own Laws. Zozim. L. VI.



i. The Conquests cf JUSTINIAN. 2. Some Account of his Government.

AS this vast Body of People broke all at once like a Flood into the Empire*, they mutually incommoded one another, and all the Politics of those Times consisted in setting them at Variance together : This was a Circumitance easy to accomplish, their Avarice and fierce Disposition greatly contributing to make it pr-a&i* cable. The largest pari of them was there* fore destroy'd before 'they could fix themselves in any Settlement^ and this was the Reasbn why the Empire of the East still subsisted for some time.

The Northern Regions were likewise exhausted at List,and no longer pour'dout those innumerable Armies they originally produced; for after the first Invasion by the G&tht and Huns9 and especially smce the Death of Attila^ these People and their Sitccesiprs appear'd in the Fidd with Force much inferior to the former in Number.

When the Nations, who assembled to-

s ether in the Form of an Army, were diributed into peaceful Partitions of Lands, much of their martial Vivacity was abated*

and as they were scatter'd thro* the Countries they had conquer'd, they were expos'd themselves to the lame Invasions.

In this Situation of Affairs, JUSTINIAN undertook the Recovery of Africa and Italy^ and accomplish'd the same Designs which the French so happily executed against the Visigoths, the Burgundians^ the Lombards and the Saracens.

When Christianity was first planted among the Barbarians, the Arian Sedt: was predominant in the Empire, and VALENS lent Priests to them, who were their first Apostles. Now in the Interval from their Conversion to their £stablishment, this Sect fell into Disreputation among the Romans; for which Reasons, when the Barbarians of this Persuasion found all the Country orthodox, and could never insinuate themselves into the Affe<5Hons of the People, it was ea» sy for the Emperors to incommode them.

We may likewise add, that the Barbarians being unqualify'd for the Siege of Towns, and'much more so for their Defence, suffer'd the Walls to drop into Ru-ins. Procopius informs us, that Betisarius found all the Italian Cities in this Condition v and those of Afrit a had already been dismantled by Genseric*^ with a Gothic Vi$w of fortifying the Inhabitants.

Prtcop. War of the Vandals, L. I.

The Generality of these Northern People, after they had establish'd themselves in the Provinces of the South, soon degenerated into the unmanly Softness of those Re-? gions, and became incapable of the Fatigues of Warb. The Vandals were emasculated with Pleasures; a luxuriant Table, an effeminate Habit, the Delicacy of Baths, the enervating Lull of Music, gay Dances, florid Gardens and splendid Theatres were now become their necessary Gratifications.

They no longer disquieted the Romans*, says Malcbusd, when they discontinu'd those Armies which Genseric perpetually kept prepa'r'd for any Expedition, and with which he prevented the Vigilance of his Enemies, and astonish'd all the World with the Rapidity of his Enterprises.

The Cavalry of the -Romans, and that of the Hunsc their Auxiliaries, were very ex-

b Proeop. War of the Vandals, L. II.

c In the Time of Honorius.

d Byzantine History, in the Extract of the Embassies.

c justinian recei/d signal Services from- the Huns, a People from whom the Partbians sprung, and these Desendants combated like their Ancestors. When the Hum lost all their Power by the Divisions which the the great Number of Attila's Children occasion'd, they serv'd the Romans in the Quality of Auxiliaries, and formed their bell Cavalry. Each of the barbarous Nations was distinguistTd by their particular Manner of combating as well as by their Arms. The Goths and Vandals were fownidable at the drawn Sword; the Hum were

pert at drawing the Bow, but that of the GoPbs f and Vandals fought only' with the Sword and Lance, and were unpraftifed in the distant Combat; for which Reason Beltfarius ascribes part of his Success to this Difference5.

Jujtinian could not fit out more than fifty Ships against the Vandals, and when Belifaritts embarked he had but five thou Hind Soldiers. This was undoubtedly a bold Expedition; and Leo who before that Time had sent against the same People a Fleet of all the Ships in the East, and manned with a hundred thou land Soldiers, could not conquer Africa^ and was even in danger of lofmg the whole Empire.

Theie great Fleets have been as little fuccessful as very numerous Land Armies, for as they knpoverifh and unpeople a State,

so stiould the Expedition be of a considerable Length, or any Misfortune befall them they can neither be succoured or recruited j

admirable Bowmen ; the Sucves were serviceable Infantry ; the Alans were heavily armed, and the Heruli were a flying Tioop.

f See Proctpiuss Hi(t. of the Wars of the Vandah> \. r. and his War of the Goths, I. i. The Gothic Bowmen fought on ft or, and were but indifferently

discipliiu-d. .

t> The Romans having suficrcl their Infantry to be weakened, placed all then l'\ rce, in the Horse, and the more so bccuuse they \\cre <>i l;;»cd to spiing sucidcnly to every Pait to check tlu Intursions of the Barbariant.

and if one Part be lost, the other becomes insignificant j because Ships of War, as well as Transports, Cavalry, Infantry, Ammunition, in a Word all the%particulars, have a necesiary Dependance on the whole: The Tardiness of an Enterprise makes those who engage in it always find the Enemy prepared to receive them ; besides such an Expedition is seldom made in a proper Season, and generally overtaken by the stormy Months, because such a vast Number of Preparations are hardly ever compleated till the Season is too far advanced.

Belisarius invaded Africa^ and very advantagiouily supplied himself with Proviii, ons from Sicily 9 in (Eonsequence of a Treaty made with Amalasonta Qyeen of the Gttbs. When he was sent to at|^ck Italy^ . he took Notice that the Goths r^eived their Subsistance from Suily+ and therefore began his Expedition with the Conquest of t^igfc Island, by which Proceeding he at the sarias Time starved his Enemies, and plentifully, supplied his own Army with all Accommodations.

Belisarius took Carthage, Rome, and Ravenna, and sent the Kings of the Goths and Vandal^ Captives to Constantinofle^ where the ancient Triumphs were renewed after a long Interval of Yearsh.

h Justinian only granted him a Triumph for Africa.

The extraordinary Qualities of this great Man ', naturally account for his Success. A General who was Matter of all the Maxims of the first Romans was then at the Head of such an Army as that brave People Anciently composed.

Virtues that are very shining are generally concealed or lost in Servitude, but the tyrannical Government of Justiriian, could not oppress the Grandeur of that Soul nor the noble Superiority of such a Genius.

Narses the Eunuch was thrown into this Reign to make it still more illustrious: As he had received his Education in the Palace he was honoured with a greater Share of the Emperor's Confidence; for Princes always esteem their Courtiers themost faithful of their Subjects.

On the other Hand, the irregular Condu<5l of 7#/?/7Htan, his Prosusions, Tyranny and Rapine, his intoxicated Fondness for Building, changing and reforming, his Inconstancy in his Designs, a severe and weak Reign, made still more incommodious by a lingring old Age, were a Train of real Calamities, intermixed with unprofitable Success, and a false Glitter of unsubstantial Glory.

These Victories were not the Effect of any solid Power subsisting in the Empire,

� Sec Suidas.under the Article Be/isarius,

but resulted from the lucky Conjun<5tion of some particular Circumstances, and were soon rendered ineffectual; for whilst the Army was pursuing its fortunate Beginning^, a new swarm of barbarous Nations passed the Danube and spread Desolation through Ulyria, Macedonia and Greece, and the Persians in four Invasions weakened the Empire with incurable Wounds.

The more rapid these Conquests appeared, the less durable'was their Foundation, and Italy and Africa were hardly wrested from the Enemy, before it became necessary to recover them* a iecond Time by rieW Victories.

Justinian had taken from the Theatre a k Woman who had long prostituted herself to immodest Pleasures, and she governed him with an Authority that has no Parallel in History, perpetually intermixing his Afl&irs with the Passions and fanciful Inconsidences of her Sex, in Consequence of which she defeated the victorious Progress of his Arms, and disconcerted the most ftvo&rable Eveats.

The Eastern People were always accustomed to a Plurality of Wives in order to deprive the Sex of that strange Ascendant they maintain over Man in our Climates,

* Th« Emprda Kbtodora.

but as Polygamy was prohibked by Law at Constantinople, that Circumstance resigned the Empire to the Will of a Female, or, in other Words, abandoned the Government to the Mismanagement of many natural Frailties.

The People of Constantinople had for many Years been divided into two Factions denominated the Blew and the Green: They derived their original from the Approbation usually given in the Theatres to some particular Adtors, and when Races were exhibited in the Circus the Charioteers who were dressed in green disputed the Prize with tnase who were habited in blew, and each of these Spe&ators became interested even to Madness, in the Competition of those Colours.

These two Fadionsbeing diffused through all the Cities ir* the Empire proportioned their Animosities to the Rank and Grandeur of those Cities, or, as we may justly say, to the Indolence and idle Lives of the generality of the People.

But tho* such Divisions are always necessary in a Republick, and may be considered aa essential to its Support, they are infallibly jiestruelive to an arbitrary Government becwse they can only change the Person of the Sovereign, but never con-

tribute to the Establishment of the Laws or the Discontiriuation of Abuses.

Justininn who favoured the Facticwi of the Blew1, and denied all Justice to l:h£ Green, increased the mutual Inveteracy'of both Parties, and consequently strengthen'd them in the State.

These contending Parties proceeded so

far as even to disannul the Authority of trie Magistrates: The Slews were in no Apprehension of the Laws because the /Emperor protected them against their Severity, and the Greens m began to disregard them because they could rirot defend them from Jnsults.

All the Bands of Frkndship, Affinity a*id Gratitude, were cut aisunder a;hd whole Familiesdesti-byied each other" :* Every Villain wh'd intend^d to be remaikcably wicked belonged to'the F^dldn of the Bkw, ind every Man who was either robbed or a0a£ finate^^as a Pa^tlsan fc^ the Green.


1 This political Distemper was of ajncjent Date, for StiOaniius telk Jiu that Caligula, because he was attatk*d to ih&Green Faction, hated the People who applauded the other,

m The Reader may form a good Idep, of. the Spirit of those Times, by corisulting Theophanes who'relates a long Conversation in the Theatree;'between'the Emperor and the Greens.

We may add, that the Government, was, if possible, more cruel than^enseless, and the Emperor not satisfied with the general loiustice of loading his Subjects with excessive Impositions, resolved to ruin them in their private Asiairs by all imaginable Tyrannies.

I am far from entertaining an implicit Belief of all the Particulars related by Protopius in his secret History, because the pompous Commendations he, in his other Works, bestows on this Prince, may make His Veracity a little questionable in this, where he paints him out as the most stupid and inhuman Tyrant that ever lived.

(J)n the other Hand there are two Circumsiauces which incline me to pay spme Regard} to this secret K^istory, for in the first'Piac^, the Partk^pi^rs seern better conne&ed with the aston^scing Weakness which discovered it self at the latter End of this Reign, and in those of the socceeding Ernperors.

The other Circumstance i$ that Mppu^cnt which Hijlj exists anpong, us, an4 is a Collection of she Laws of this Emperar, which in the Course of a few Years present us with greater Variations than are to be found in our Laws for the three last Centuries of our Monarchy.

These Variations n generally relate t& Matiers~t>f so little Importance that we can see no Reasons to induce a Legislator to make them, unless we refer to t&et se^ cret History for a Solution, and acknowledge that this Prince exposed his'Judgments and his Laws equally to sale.

But the political State of the Govern�ment received the greatest Injury from his Project of eitablishing a general Uniformity of Opinion in Matters of Religion, and in Circumstances that rendered his Zeal as indiscreet as ppssible.

' The ancient Romans fortified their Empire, by indulging all Sorts of religious Worship-; but their Posterity destroyed k by rooting out the various Sects, whose Doctrinas were not predominant.

These Sects were composed of entire Nations, some of which, as the Jews and Samaritans^ had retained their ancient Religion after they were conquered by thsJtomanSi others were disperstd through the Country, as the Followers of Mm^anu^ m Pbrygia^ the Manicbees^ che Sabbatarians* the Ariaw, in the other Provinces, besides which, the generality of the People in the Country, continued in Idolatry, aad were

n See the Institutes of Jujiinian.

infatuated with a Religion as gross as their Understandings.

These Sects Justiman caused to be ex* tirpated, by the military as well as the civil Power, and the periecuted People, revolting in their own Defence, he thought! < himself obliged to exterminate them from the Empire, in consequence of which he depopulated several Provinces, and whilsthe imagined himself increasing the Number of the faithful, he was only diminishing the Race of Mankind.

Procopins assiires us that Pale/line, by the Destrudtion of the Samaritans, was changed into a Desart; *and this proceeding was the more sirjgular, because, the rery Zeal which weakened the Empire, in order to establish Religion, sprung out of the same Quarter from whence the Arabians afterWards sallied with an Intention to subvert it.

But nothing could be more aggravating, than that the Emperor whilst he was

so averse to all Toleration himself, should yet disagree with the Empress in the most essential Points; he followed the Council of Cbalcedon^ and she favoured its opposers ; whether, as Avagrws says % they were sm-

0 L. 4. c. 10.

cere in this proceeding or noty is uncertain.

When we read Procopms*s Description of Justimatn's Buildings, and the Forts and other Places of Defence he ereeled in all Parts; it naturally raises in our Minds the Idea of a ftouriihing 'State, but that Idea happens to be very dehjstve.

The ancient Romans had none of thesc


Fortifications, bat pkced all their Security in their Armies,which they distribured along the Banks of Rivers, and raised Towers at proper Distances for the Lodgment of the Soldiers,

Afterwards indeed, when they had but ^ery indifferent Armies, and frequently none at alt, the Frontiers p could not defend the Countries they limited, and therefore it became necessary to strengthen them; the Consequence df which was, they had

P Augvjlus establiihed nine such Frontiers, the Number of which encreased in the following Reigns When the Barbarians began to Appear in several Parts; and Dion. 1. 55. rtiat in his-Timer when Alexander was Emperor, there were thirty,, as appears by the Notitia Imperil written since the Reigns of Arcadiu$ and Honorius: There were fifteen even in the Eastern Empire, and the Number was perpetually increasing. Pamphytia, Lycaonia, and Pijidia were made Frontiers, and the whole Empire was covered with Fortifications, tillatlalt Aurelian was obliged to fortify Rome it self.

more Fortifications, and less Force; many Places for Retreat, and very few for Security; the Country was only- habi* table about the Fortifications, and thele were built in all Parts. The Condition of the Empire resembled that of France? in the Time of the Normans, q which was never so Defenceless as when all its Villages were girt round with Walls.

We may venture to affirm therefore, that the whole Catalogue of Jujlinian*& Forts, which fills several Pages in Prowpius* only exhibits to us so many Monuments of the Weakness of the Empire.

* And the Evglist.



Disorders in the Easttrn Empire.

THE Persians* during this Period?were in a much happier Situation than the Romans; they h^ little Reason to. be apprehensive of the Northern People % because that Part of Mount Taurus which extends between the Cajjtian and Euxin& Seas separated .them from those N^tions, and they effectually ihut up a very narrow Pass, * which was the only practicable Avenue for the Cavalry, in every otner Part the Barbarians were obliged to descend from frightful Precipices c and to quit their Horstlin which all their military Strength cortsisted j and besides these Impediments they "were blocked in by the Araxes^ a River of great Depth, and which flows from West to East, all the Passages of which were easy to be defended.

With all these Advantages the Perswns were.ip perfect Tranquillity with Rey?e(5t to the1 Eastern Nations -9 on the South they

« The Huns.

*> Called the Casiiaw Streights.

c Procopius of the Perstan War. 1- i.

were bounded by the Sea, and the Arabian Princes , who were partly their Allies 9 ^nd partly in Confederacy with the Romans^ were totally engaged in pillaging one anothqr. The Persians therefore, had none whom they could properly call their Enemies but the Romans. We are sensible, siid an Ambassador ofHormisdas d, that the Romans are engaged in several Wars, and are at variance with almost all Nations, whilst we, as they well know, have no Hostilities with any People but themselves.

The Persians h^d cultivated the military Art to as great a Degree as it was neglected by the Romans. Belizarius said to his Soldiers, the Persians are not your Superiour in Courage, a$d only surpass you in the Discipline of War.

They had likewise the lame Superiority in the Cabinet as they preserved in the Field, and demanded Tribute of the Ro~ mans, under a Pretence that they maintained Garrisons in the Caspian Streights, as if each Nation had not a Right to gu^rd its Frontiers. They obliged them to. pay for Peace, and every Cessation of Arms, and did not scruple to make them purchase the very Time employed either in Negociations, or War.

<* Menanden Ambassies.

The Auari having cross'd the Danube, the Romans who had seldom any Troops to \ oppose them, being engag'd against the Persians when they should have given Battle to the Avariy and having full Employment from these when they ought to have fac'd the Persians \ were still oblig'd to submit to a Tribute; and thus the Majesty of the Empire bow'd down before all Rations.

JUSTIN, TIBERIUS and MAURICE were very sedulous to defend the Empire; the last of these Princes had some Virtues, but they were all sullied by an Avarice almoil^ incredible in a great Monarch.

The King of the Avari offer'd to restcwejall his Roman Prisoners to Maurice', if he wo$l<lr ransom them a{ an inconsiderable Price |pt> each-Man; and this Proposal being rejected, he caus'd them all to be inhumanlymurder'd. The Roman Army was grjeally, exasperated at this Proceeding, and-theFa^ ction of the Greens making an Insurre^Qjii at the same time, a Centurion nam'dPHOh CAS was rais'd to the Imperial Dignity* and he order'd Maurice and his Children to be put to Death.

The Hiltory of the Grecian Empire, for

so we shall denominate the Monarchy oj£ the Romans for the fn$M*"e, is little mocq than a Series of Revolts,' Seditions and Per-

fidy. The Subje&s had no Idea of the Loyalty due to Princes, and there were so many Interruptions in the Successions of the Emperors, that the Title of Porphyrogemtus^ which signifies one born-in the Apartment wher<e the Empress repos'd, was an Appellation which few Princes of the severaJ Imperial Families could with any Propriety aisimie.

All the Paths that could be struck out to Empire were unexceptionable; and the Candidates were conduced to the Diadem by the Clergy, the Senate, the Peasants, the Inhabitants of Constantinople^ and the Peog'e of the Provincial Cities.

Ghristianity being now the prevailing Religiori of the Empire, was intermix'd with several successive Heresies, which call'd aloud for Condemnation, drius having denrj^id the Divinity of the WORD; theMatedowins that of the HOLY SPIRIT; NestMyst ;the Unity of the Person of Jestts CM/I; the Eutycbians his Two Natures;, the Monot'belites his Two Wills; it became neeessary to convoke Councils against them: But their Decisions not being universally receiv'd, several Emperor^who had been seduc'd into these heretical Opinions, relapsed into the same Fersuasions ^fter they had been condemuM*, and as no Nation was erer so implacable against Heretics as the

Greeks^ who even imagm'd tbamsejves potluted when they conversed with any ofih^t Class, or had any Cohabitation wkh them; several Emperors, in consequence of tha£ popular Aversion, lost thg Affe&ion& Q£ their Subje&s, *nd the People became persuaded that Priaces who were so frequently rebellious against God, could never becho* sen by Provident to be their Sovereign^.

A new Opinion, forni'd by an Idea tj$f:: it was unlawful to shed QiristJan BJpp^, a^ which daily grew more popular wi^en thj^ Mohammedans appeared upon the Stage of military Action, was the Cause that Ofiien-. ces, in which Religion was not diredly interested, were punish'd with great Moderation. Those who had spirited up aHilr^sujf; restion, or frao-iM any Attempt ^against $%$ Person of the Prince, wene only sentcQc^ to lose their Eyes, to have their Hatf4 <jqr Noses cut off, or to soffer some other Mutilation. As these Offences might be cq>ipT mitted with very little Efezard., they ipjigh^ likewise be attempted without rapch1 Courage". ^ ',

A certain Veneration for the Regalia of Imperial Majesty drew the Eyes of all the

5 Zeno greatly contributed to this mean Relaxation of Judice. See the Byzantine History of Malcbus, cited in the Extract of the Embassies.

People on those who presamed to wear them, and it was criminal to be either habited in Purple, or to keep it in a Wardrobe ; but when a Man had once the Resolution to appear in that Dress, the Multitucje immediately flock'd after him, because their Respect was more attached to the Apparel than the Person.

Ambition received greater Provocatives still, from the surprizing Infatuation of those Times ; and there was hardly a Man of any considerable Consequence who could not accommodate to himself some Predidion that promised him the Empire.

As the Indispositions of the Mind are generally incurable f, Judicial Astrology and the Art of pointing out Futurity by Objeds seen in a Bason of Water, succeeded among the Christians, to the solemn Imposture of Divination by the Entra41s of Victims or the Flight of Birds, which had been abolished with Paganism its Parent, and vain Promises became the Motives to most of the rash Actions of particular Persons, and constituted the Wisdom of Princes Councils.

The Calamities of the Empire daily increasing, it was natural to impute ill Suc-

* See the Life of Andronicus Comnenus, compiled'by Wuetas.

cess in War and dishonourable Treaties fn Peace to the injudicious <Tondu6t of thpse at the Helm.

One Revolution was now pregnant with another, and the Effect it self became a Cause: And as the Greeks had seen siidi a Succession of different Families on the Throne, they were not devoted to any; and since Fortune Jiad create^ so many Emperors out of all Classes'of 'People, no Birth was To obscure, and no Merit so ioconsiderable as to be destitute of Hope;

Several Examples which had been farniliar to the Nation, modeled the Genius of/the People in general, and formed a System of Manners which reign'd as imperiously as,the Laws.

It should seem that great Enterprises, among us, are more impracticable than they were to the Ancients; it is very difficult to conceal them, bccauie Intelligence is now become so manageable, that every Prince has Ministers in each Court, and Traitors' may possibly be lurking in all the Cabinets

of Majesty.

The Invention of Posts has given Wings to Information, and can immediately wast it to all Parts.

As great Undertakings are not to be accomplish'd without Money, and as Merchants are Matters of ic since the Invention

of Bills of Exchange; their Affairs are always conne&ed with the Secrets of State, and they neglect nothing to penetrate into those Depths.

The Fluctuations in Exchange, without any visible Cause, entice Numbers of People to search after it, and some of them find it at last to their Cost.

The Invention of Printing, which has j$it Books into the Hands p£ all the Wpr^dji the Improvements in Engraving, which have made Geographic Charts sq common; in a word, the EstabJishment of*" political Papers, give every Jpdividual a Knowledge of the geaeral InterpA, sufficient enough to in&rqcT: him in all the private Tr^nsadions.

Conspiracies in a State are now Become v^rjr difficult, because since the Establishn$en of Posts, all the Secrets of particular Pgrsons are in the Power of the Public.

Princes may act with Promptitude, because all the Power of the State is in their jPpjpsession. Conspira|;ors must proceed with Caution, because they are destitute of Expedients ; and smce at present all Transactiohs are more easily discoverjd, those who form Designs against a Governrrient are generally detested before they can adjust their Schemes.


The Weakness of the Eastern Empire.

PHocAs, amidst the general Confusipn of Affairs, being unsettled in his new Dignity, HERACLIUS came from Africa* and caus'd him to be murder* d; at thesame time he found the Provinces invaded and the Legions destroy'd.

As soon as this Prince had, in some-aieasure, remedied these Disasters, the Arabtnw quitted their own Couatry, to extend che Empire and Religion which MOHAMMED had founded by their Cooperation

No People ever made so itipid a Pro* gress; for they immediately conquer*d 5yria, Pale/tine, Egypt and Africa* and thea turn'd their Hostilitks against the PerJ&» #ns.

God permitted his Religion to be lal$ low, in so many Places wherfc it once haH? be^i predominant\ not that it nowceas?d to be the Object of his providential dare, but bec^use it always either in its State of Glory or Degression produces its natural

EfFect, which is the Sanctification of the Soul,

The Welfare of 'Religion has no Similitude to the Prosperity, of Empires, and we are told by a celebrated Author, that it may well be distemper'd, smce Malady it self is the true State of a Christian j to which we ma,y add, that the Humiliations and Dispersion of the Church, the Destructions of her Temples and the Persections of her Martyrs* are eminent Seasons of her Glory; but when she appears triumphant to the Eyes of the World, she is generally sinking in Adversity.

We are not to have Reeoupse to Enthusiasm alone to clear up this memorable £yentof the -4ra&0#Coiiquests, which spread through so many Countrk$: The Saracens had been Jong distinguish'd among the Auxiliaries of Rome and Persia j and they, as well as the Qsroaniaw* were the expertest Archers- in the WorM. Alexander', Severus zn&Mtwimin had qngag'4 them as much as poilible in their Service, and they were extremely ^^efwi in the Wars with the GerWtw* to wihoni their Arrows were fatal at ^gtwt DMbnce. The Goths themselves% ik the Reign of Valem* were incapable of resitting them: In a word, they at that time were the best Cavalry in the World.

a Zozim. L. IV.

We have already 6Werv.?d, that the Legions rais'd in Ekro/ttytre much preferable to those of Asea^ bin it was direstly contrary with respect to the Cavalry; I mean that olF the Parthians, the Osroanians, and the 8a* racens. This was the Power that stopp'd the full Career of the Roman Conquests, because, after the Death of Antwchus> a new Nation of Tartars, who had the best Caval-' ry of any People, made themselves Mailers: of the Upper Asia.

This Cavalry was heavyb, and that of Europe light, quite contrary to the present Nature of their military Equipage. Holland and Friseland werfe no£ as yet won from the Waters; and c Germany was foil of Woods y Lakes and Marshes, where the Cavalry were of little Impostance.

When a free Passage was open'd to the great Rivers, the stagnant Waters Ihrunk from those Marshes, and German} assiimM a new Surface. Mdny Changes were effected by the Works of Valentiniand ^rt the Nttker, and' those of the Romans on the Mine, and

b See the Account given by Zojjmus of the Cavalry 6f Aurttian* n&d that of Palmyra. See likewise what Amrnian. Moreittinut relates of the Persian Cavalry.

c The greated p$tt of that Country was then cover'd with Water, but tkeAit of Man has since made it habitable and commodious.

d See Ammim. MartglKn. L. XXVII.

Commerce being once . establish'd 9 diose Countries whkh did not originally produce Horses% began to propagate the Breed, and the Inhabitants made great Useof thbse Animals.

Constantine*, the Son of Heradius, having been poison'd, and his Son Constance (lain in Sicily^ CONSTANTIN* the Bearded, his eldest Son, succeeded to the Empire, but that Grandees of the Eastern Provinces being assembled on this Occasion, were determined to crown the other Brothers of this Prince conjunctly with himseJf; alledging, that as ir was iadispensably neceiTary for them to believe in the Trinity, so it was reasenable they should be govtrn'd by Three Empe-


The Grecian History is crowded with, Proceedings as extraordinary as this, aitd a km Tarn of Mt«d %tog then the Chara<aeristic of tha* Nation, (rheir former Wisdonrt was no IOJI^P conspieuDqs ia (their Act-ipna, aod rte Empire becarnq & Sceae of Troubles and Rowluti@iKr, to whicii it vras impossible to assign any preparatory Motives.

An universal Bigotry had stupifted and

« C*sar rcpresents' the Germm Hbrses as too sinaJl,

ana good for little.

f ZonaraSs Lift of Cwsttntiw the Bearded.

cmasculated the whole Empire. Gorist&diinople was the only Place ih the East whe-re Christianity was predominant, and likewise, where the pusiHanimous Indolence, and degrading Softness of the Astatit Nations, were blended with Devotion it self. Of a thousand Instances that might be alledged, I shall only mention the Condu<5t of Pbilrppitus the General of Maurice's Army, who being on the point of charging the Enemy in the Field, burst into Tearsg when he suddenly considerM what Numbers of Mankind were then to be destrqy'd.

^The Tears of the Arabians b flow'd from a very different Source, when they wept with Regret that their General had agreed to a Truce which frusbated their intended Effijsion of Christian Blood.

There is a total Difference between an Army of Fanatics, and another of Bigots i .and it evidently appeared in a late, memorable Revolution, in which Cromwell's Army resemJbfcd the Arabians, whilst the Iri/b and Sctiijb Forces were like the Greeks.

A gross Superstition J which debases the

8 Hitsory .of tlie Emperor Maurice by Tbcopbyktct. L. II. 03.

h Ockley's History of the Conquest of Syria, Per/sa* and Egypt, by the Saracens.

1 We may easiJy believe the Greeks were infectcd with Idoktry, for the Reason we UiaJl now offer: There

Mind as effectuaJly* as, true Religion exalts it, had reduced *all Yertue, and devout Confidence in the Deity> to a stupid Veneration for Images; and History presents us with Generals who would raise a Siege, k or surrender a City forl the gallant Acquisition of a ReKck.

Christianity degenerated under the Grecian Empire into as many Corruptions as were intermixed with it in our Time by the Muscwites, till the C*ar Peter the first new modelled that Nation, and introduced more Changes into the Dominions he governed than are usually establilhed in those which Conquerors usurp.

The East was on,the point of being made the Scene of such a Revolution, as happened about two Centuries ago in the West, when,

cjjn be no Suspicion that the Italians and Germans were but coldly devoted to external Worship; and yet when the Greek Historians take notice of the Contempt express'd by the Italians for Images and Relics, one would be apt to compare them with the modern Zealots againil Calvin, Nicetas informs us, that the Germans, in their March to the Holy Land, were receiv'd by the Arweniam as Friends, because they did not-offer any Adoration to Images. Now, if the Italians and Germans did no: sufficiently reverence Images, in the Apprehension of the Greeks, what an enormous Veneration must then be paid to them by this People ?

k Life of Laeapena by Zonarus. Life of John Comnenus by Nitttas.

upon the Revival of Learning, the Abuses and Corruptions in Religion became evident to all, and as every Person was inquisitrve after a proper Remedy, so there were some

so bold and untrastable as to rerid 'the Church by Divisions, instead of restoring it to its original Purity by a due Reformation.

LEO ISAURUS, CONSTANTINE CoPRONVMUS and LEO his Son were implacable against Images, and when the Worihip of them had been reestablished by the Empress Irene^ LEO the Armenian^ MICHAEL the Stammerer and THEOPHILUS abolilhed them again. These Princes imagined they could not moderate that WorIhip unless they destroyed it eflectually; they likewise turned their Hostilities against the Monks m who incommoded the State, and as their proceedings were always carries into Extreams, they endeavoured to exterminate that Fraternity instead of regulating them in a proper Manner.

The Monks n being accused of Idolatry by those who favoured the new Opinions^

m Vdenti many Years before this Event, made t Law to compel the Monks to serve the Government"in the Army in Times of War, and caused all who o!i(b^ bcyed that Injunction, to be /Iain.

n Thcse Circumstances relating to the Monks, cannot fa any criminal Imputation dn ithcir Order in General j

retorted, in their Turn, upon their Adverlarks, and accused therti or magical Practices, ° and then calling upon the People to behold the Churches, that were diverted of Images, and the other Furniture, which, till that Time had been the Objects of Adoration, they created a Belief in their Flock, that these holy Places, must certainly be profaned by daily Sacrifices to 'Isamons.

The Controversy relating to Images, Was conrie&ed with very delicate Circumstances which kindled it into a raging Flame, and in the Event made Persons of solid Judgment incapable of proposmg a moderate Wormip. The Dispute included the tender Article of Power, and the Monks having seized it, in Consequence of their spiritual Usurpations, they could neither enlarge or maintain it but by making daily Additions to the Acts of external Adoration, wherein they were so considerably interested. For this Reason all Opposijdons to the Establishment of Images were considered as so many Hostilities against

for it would be unjust to represcnt an Indication as pernicious because it may happen to be abused in some particular Countries and at certain Periods of Time.

0 Leo the Grammarian's Lives of Leo the Armenian* .and Tbtopbilus. §uidas> under the Article of Consantint the Son of Leo*

themselves, and when they had succeeded in their Pretensions their Power was no longer limitable.

This Period was remarkable for such a3 Conjuncture as happened some Centuries afterwards in the warm Disagreement between Earld-am and the Monks of that Time, which brought the Empire to the Verge of Destruclion. The Subject of the Dispute was whether the Light which encircled Jesus Cbrist on Mount Tabor wascreated or not. The Monks indeed were indifferent as to either Part of the Quection in Debate, but as ^arlaam made a direct Attack upon that Fraternity, they found it .consistent with their Interest to assert that Light to be uncreated.

The War, which those Emperors who were called Iconoclasts, declared again st the Monks^ revived sorhe particular Principles of Government, and offered a plausible Pretence for employing the publick Revenue, for the publick Advantage, and for disehgaging the State from every Inconvenience that encumbered it.

When I consider the profound Ignorance into which the Grecian Priests had plunged the Laity, it seerris natural to compare the former to those Scythians, mentioned by Herodotus, p who caused the

P Lib, 4.

Eyes of their Slaves to be plucked out, that their Attention might not be diverted, when they were churning Milk for their Masters.

When the Empress Theodora had reestablished the Use of Images, the Monks immediately began to corrupt the public Devotion, and proceeded even to oppress the secularClergy: They thrust themselves into every beneficial See, q and gradually excluded all Ecclesiasticks from Episcopal Promotion. By this Proceeding they became unsupportable j and if we draw a Parallel between them and the Latin Clergy, and compare the Conduct of our Popes with that'of the Patriarchs of Constantinople^ we shall see in our Pontifs and Clergy, a set of Men altogether as judicious as the others were irrational.

We are presented with a surprizing Contradiction in humane Nature, when we consider that the Ministers of Religion among the ancient Romans, when they were not made incapable of public Employments and civil Society, were but little sollicitous about either; and that after the Establisoment of Christianity the Ecclesiasticks, who were most secluded from temporal Affairs, engaged in them with the greatest

* Vide Partner. \. 8.

Moderation; but when the Monks^ in the Declension of the Empire, became the sole Clergy, these People who were forbidden by a more particular Profession, to intermeddle with the Transactions of State, embraced all Opportunities that could possibly introduce them into the Government, and never ceased to fill every Place with Confusion, and to discompose the World which they pretended to renounce.

There was not any Affair of the Empire, any particular Peace or War, any Truce or Negociation, or any private Treaty of Marriage capable0of Completion without the Ministration of these Monks; they crowded into the Cabinets of Princes, and composed the greatest Part of the national AsTemblies.

The Calamities which resultcd from this irreligious Officiousness are inconceivable : These Ecclesiastic Statesmen infused an indolent insignificance into the Minds of Princes, and communicated a taint of Imprudence to their best Actions. Whilst Bastlius employed his naval Forces in ereeling a Church to the Honour of St. Michael% he abandoned Sicily to the Depredations of the Saracens, and suffered them

r See the Lives of BasJius and Leo by Zonaras and Nicepborus.

to take Syracuse* but left he should be singular in that Proceeding, Leo his Successor, consigned his Fleet to the same Employment, and permitted the Barbarians to possess themselves of Tauromenia and the IQancjl of Lemnos.

Andronlcus Paleologus f entirely neglected his maritime Power, because he had been assured God was so well satisfied with his Zeal for the Church's Peace, that his Enemies would never presume to invade his Dominions by Sea, He was even apprehensive that the Deity would call .him to a strict Account for the Time he devoted to the necessary Affairs of State, and dedudled from spiritual Attentions.

The Greeks being very loquacious, great Disputants and naturally inclinable to Sophistry, were perpetually incumbring Religion with controversial Points; and as the Monks were in great Reputation in a Court whidi was always weak in Proportion to its Corruption; that Court, and those Monks mutually communicated Infection to each other, in Consequence of which the Eijiperors devoted all their Thoughts, sometimes to calm, and frequently to infl^me Theological Disputes, which were always observed to be moil frivolous

f Pacbymer. 1. 7,

when they were debated with the greatest Warmth.

Mkhael Paltzologzus t, whose Reign was

so infested by Controvejsies in Religion, growing sensible of the melancholy Devastations committed by the Turks in Asiay said wkh a Sigh, that the rash Zeal of some Persons, who, by exclaiming against his Conduct had exasperated his Subjects against him, made it necesiary for him to employ all his Cares to accomplish his own Preservation, and compelled him to be a tame Spectator of the Ruin of several Provinces. I contented my self, said he, with providing for the Security of thosp distant Parts, by the Ministration of Governors, who being either corrupted by the Enemy, or apprehensive of Punishment, never acquainted me with the unhappy Situation of the People with whbse Welfare they were intrusted.

The Patriarchs of Constantinople had assumed an unlimited Power, and as the Emperors and their Grandees generally retired to the Churches, when the Peopte were spirited up to Insurrestions, the Pa~ triarcbs had consequently an Opportunity of delivering them up to the popiriarFury*

* Pacbymer. 1. 6. c. 29. - We have had Recourse to the Translation-pf .the prcsident Cottsin,

and never failed to* exercise this Power as they were directed by any particular Fancy, by which Means they always became the Arbiters of publick Affairs, tho' in a very indirect Manner.

"^Vhen the Elder Andromcus * caused the Patriarch to be admonished not to intermeddle with the Transactions of State, but to confine his Attention to spiritual Affairs, stich a Request, replied that imperious Priest, is as if the Body should say to the Soul, I don't claim any Community with you, and have no Occasion for your Assistance in the Exercise of my Functions.

Such monstrous Pretensions became insupportable to Princes, and the Patriarchs were frequently diverted of their Sees. But such a Proceeding, in a superstitious Nation, who detested all the Ecclesiastical Punctions of a Patriarch whom they conlidered as an intruder, produced continual Schisms, each particular Patriarch^ the old, the new, and the last elected, being supported by his own set of Partisans.

Such Contentions as these were much more perniciou's than any Disagreements

v Palæologus. See the History of the two Emperors of this Name written by Cantticuzenus, 1. i. c. 50.

on Points of Doctrine, because they resembled an Hydra to whom every Defeat was a Renovation.

The Rage of Disputation became so natural to the Greeksi that Cantacuzenus, v when he took Constantinople found the Emperor John and his Empress engaged in a Council which had been summoned agamst some Adversaries of the Monks: And when Mohammed the second besieged that City x the Emperor could not suppress the Theological Animosities, and the Council of Florence y engaged the general Attention much more than the Turki/h Army.

As every Person, in common Dilputes, is sensible he may be deceived, a tenacious and untractable Spirit seldom prevails to any Extream, but in those Controversies where Religion is the Subject, for there, a5 every Person from the Nature of the Pour in Debate becomes persuaded that hisowr Opinion is true, he grows exasperated a gainst those who instead of concurring wit

w Cnntacuzen, \, 3.0. 99.

* Hill, of the last Palaologi by Ducas.

y TheQuection in Debate whether a Congreg tion who heard Mass from a Priest who had conscnt to pacifick Measures, ought not"to have fled from h as if he had been a destrustive Flame: The great Chui was accounted a profane Temple, and the Moqk Ge». dius hurld his Anathema'3 againil all who were desir of Peace,

his Sentiments, endeavour to make him a Convert to their own.

Those who may happen to read the History written by Pacbymeni59 will be effectually convinced of the unalterable Inability of Divines to accommodate their own Disagreements, and will see an Emperor z who spent his Days in asTembling People of that Class listning to their Disputations and reproaching them for the Inflexibility of their Opinions: They will likewise behold another engaged with a Hydra of Controversies that were perpetually rising to new Life, ' and will be sensible that jhe lame pacific Methods and persevering Patience, the same Inclination to finish their Contentions; in a Word, the same artless Pliancy to their Intrigues joined with the same Deference to their Aversions will never reconcile these implacable Ecclesiastics while the World endures.

We shall present the Reader with a rejnaarkable Instance of the Disposition we have been describing : The Partisans of the Patriarch Arsenus % were prevailed upon, by the Solicitations of the Emperour, to come into a Treaty with those who were in the Interest of the Patriarch Josepb. This Treaty specified that both Parties should write down their several Pretensipns,

* dndroyicus Palaologus*

* Pacbymtr. 1. 7.

and then throw the two Papers which contained them into a Pan of live Coalsy and if one of them should remain unconsumed, they were then to acquiesce with that Determination from Heaven; but if both should happen to be burnt, the Parties were no longer to perlist in their Demands. The Fire destroyed the two Papers, the Factions were reconciled, and the Peace continued for a Day. The next Morning they pretended that the Renunciation of their Claims ought to flow from an internal Persuasion, and not from Chance, and: from that Moment the Contention was re* newed with greater Animosity than ever..

The Disputes of Divines siiould always be considered with great Attention,., but at the same Time this ought to be concealed as much as possible, because any vi&ble Sollicitude to calm the contending Parties never jtails to credit their Singularities, and consequently tempts them to believe their Sentiments are of that Importance as to comprehend the Welfare of the State and the Security of the Sovereign.

It is altogether as irnpra&icabk to decide the Disagreements of Clergymen by attending to their aflfected Subtilties, as it would be to abolish Duels by eresting a Court,. with a Delegation to trace a Point of Honour through all its Refinements.

Such was the Imprudence of the Greek Emperors, that whea a religious Controversy had been lulled asteep by Time, they again awakened it in all its Rage. Justimaiii+HeracHuS) and Manuel Comnenus propcsed Articles of Faith to their Ecclesiastics and Laity, who would certainly have i>een deceived in the Truth tho' it had flowed from the Lips of those Princes in all its Purity. And as they were always defective in Forms, and generally in Essentials, and grew desirous of displaying their Penetration, which they might have manifested to more Advantage in other Affairs confided to their Judgment; they engaged in vainDisputes on the Nature of God, who, as he withdraws himsdf from the proud Ci> riosity of the learned, so he vails the Majesty of his Exittence as effectually from the great Men of the Earth.

'Tis an Error to believe any human Power can be absolute and infallible in these Respects, for such there never was, nor ever will be imparted to any mortal. The largest Extent of temporal Authority is confined to certain Limitations, and when the Grand Seignior ordains a newTaxation at Conjlantinople^, the universal Murmurs of his Subjects make himnsensible of those Restrtetions of his Power which tijl then were concealed from his Obier-

vation. A Persian Monarch may indeed compel a Son to murder his Father, or oblige a Parent to plunge his Dagger into the Heart of his Child, but he^can never force his Subjects to drink Wine. There is a general Principle in every Nation which is the invariable Basis of Power, and when once this Principle is too much loaded, it infallibly shrinks into smaller Dimensions.

An unacquaintedness with the true Nature and Limits of Ecclesiastical and secular Power, was the most pernicious Source of all the Calamities that befel the Greeks^ and involved both Priests and People in perpetual Errors.

This great Distindtion, which constitutes all the Tranquillity of a Nation,, is founded not only on Religion, but on Reason and Nature, which never confound Things really distincl in themselves, and which caa only subsist in Consequence of that very Distinction.

Tho' the Priestcod among the ancient Romans did not form a scparate Body, yet the DistindHon we have been represencing> was as well known to them, as it can be to us. Clcdhts had consederated the H-ouse of Cicero to the Goddess of Liberty, but when that great Orator returned from his Exile, he did not foil to demand it as his lawful Property: The Pontifs were of Opinioa

that if it had been so consecrated without an express Order obtained from the People it might be restored to him without any Violation of Religion. They have declared says Cicero b, that they only exarnir^ed the Validity of the Consecration and not the Law enacted by the People, and that they had decided the first Article as Pontifs, and the Second T in the Quality of Senators,

* Epijt. ad Ani:. L 4.



1st. The Duration of the Eqstem Empire ac~

counted for* 2d Its Destruttion.

A After this Account of the Grecian Empire, it seems natural to enquire hear it could possibly subsist so long, and I believe sufficient Reasons may be assigned for that Duration.

The Arabians having invaded the Empire and conquered several Provinces, their Chiefs became Competitors for the Kbaffat* and the Flame of their first Zeal only burst. out in civil Dissensions. .

The seme People having conquered Per~ sia and afterwards divided and weakened themselves in that Country, the Greeks were no longer obliged to keep the principal Forces of the Empire stationed on the Banks of Euphrates.

Callinicus an Architect, who came fron> Syria to Conjlantinople^ invented an artificial Flame, which was easily ventilated into a Point by means of a Tube, and was of such a peculiar Nature, that Water and every other Substance which extinguish common Fire did but increase the Violence of this. The Greeks were in Possession of it for several Years, and .managed it in such

a Manner as made it capable of firing their Enemies Ships, particularly the Arabian Fleet which sailed from Africa or the Syrian Coalls to invade them even in Constantino* ple.

This Flame was ranked among the Secrets of State, and Constantine Porpbyrogenitus in his Treatise on the Administration of the Empire, and which he dedicated to his Son Romanus^ advises him to tell the Barbarians^ when they mould desire him to give them any of the Grecian Fire, that he was not permitted to part with it, because aa Angel who presented it to the Emperor Constantim^ commanded him to refuse it to all other Nations, and that those who had disobey'd that Injunction were consumed by a Fire from Heaven the Moment they entered into the Church.

Constantinople was the greatest, and almost the only City of Commerce in the World, for the Goths on the one Side, and the Arabians on the other, hadruin'dall manner of Trafic and Industry in every other Part. The Silken Manufactures were brought thither from Persia^ and were even neglected in that Country since the Arabian Invasion. We may add to this that the Greeks were Matters at Sea, which opened an immensc Flow of Riches into the State, and proved an inexhaustible Source

of Relief in all its Emergencies; and if at any Time there" seemed to be any Der clension of the public Affluence, it was immediately recruited by a new Accession.

We shall justify this Observation by a remarkable Instance : The Elder Andronicus Comnenus, tho* he was the Nero of the Greeks^ yet amidst all his Vices he was indefatigable in the Suppression of Injustice and Vexations in the Grandees, and it is a known Fact, that during the three Years of his Reign he restored several Pro* vinces to their ancient Splendor.

In Fine, the Barbarians having once fixed their Settlement on the Banks of the Danube, were no longer so formidable to the Empire as before, but rather became useful to it as a Barrier againlt other barbarous Nations. And thus whilst the Empire was harasied by any bad Government* some particular Incidents were always in Reserve for its Relief. Thus we see Spain and Portugal in a Condition, amidst^all their Weak* ness, to support themselves with the Treasures of the Indies: The temporal Dominions of theP0p<? owe their Sasety to the Respect paid to their Sovereign, and the Rovers of Barbary derive their Security from the Obstructions they fasten upon the Commerce, of lesser c Nations, and the very Piracies of

c They infest the Navigation of the Italians in the Mediterranean.

thcse People on inferior States, make them lerviceable in their turn to the Greater.

The Turki/b Empire is at Present in the same State of Declension to which that of the Greeks was formerly b sunk, but in all Probability it will still be very durable; for should any Prince endanger it by pursuing his own Conquests to an immoderate Extent, it will always be defended by the three trading Powers of Europe�, who are too sensible of their own Interests ever to be unconcerned Spestators of its Fall.

It is happy for these trading Powers, that God has permitted Turks and Spaniards to be in the Worldy for of all Nations they are the most proper to enjoy a great Empire with Insignificance.

In the Time of Basilius Porpbyrogenitus, the Arabian Power came to its Period in Ptrsia, Mohammed the Son of Sambrael9

b All Projects of this Nature against the Turk, and particularly such as have any Similitude to that which was formed in the Papacy ot Leo the tenth, by which it tyas concerted, that the Emperor mould march to Constarttinople through Bosniai the King of France through Albania and Greece, whilst the maritime Powers were to embark at their several Ports; J say such Proje&s were never striouily intended, or were framed at least by those who were altogether unacquainted with the true Constitution of Enrope.

who was then Sovereign of that Empire invited four thousand Turks from the North, in the Quality of Auxiliaries; but, upon a sudden Dissatisfaction conceived by this Prince, he sent an Army against them, which was soon put to flight by the 'Turks. Mohammed^ in the Height of his Indignation against his Pusillanimous Soldiers, gave orders that they should pass before him habited like Women, but they disappointed his Anger and joined the Turks; upon which the united Army immediately dislodged a Garrison Which were stationed to guard a Bridge over the Araxes^ and opened a free Passage to a vast Body ©f their Countrymen.

When they had extended their Conquests through Perjia, they spread themselves f*om East to West over the Territories of the JErnpire, and Romanus Diogenes, who endpavour'd to oppose their Progress, became their Prisoner; after which they subdu'd a]} the Asiatic Dominions of the Greeks down to the Bosphorus.

Some time after this Event the Latins invaded the Western Regions, in the Reign of Alexis Comnenus. An unhappy Schism had for a long time infus'd an implacable Hatred between die Nations of two difierent Communions, and would have produced fatal Effects much sooner, had not the

Italians been more, attentive to check the German Emperors whom they fear'd, than they were to distress the Greek Emperors whom they only hated.

Affairs were in this Situation, when all Europe imbib'd a religious Belief, that the Place where Jesus Christ was born, as well as that where he accomplish'd his Passion, being profan'd by the Infidels, the surest Attonement they could make for their own Sins would be to disposiess those Barbarians of their Acquisitions by Force of Arms. Europe at that time swarm'd with People who were fond of War, and had many Crimes to expiate4, and as they proposed to obtain their Remission by indulging their prevailing Passion, every Man arm'd himseJf firr the Crusade.

When this consecrated Army arriv'd in theEast, they besieg'd and made themselves Matters of Nice, which they restor'd to the Greeks; and whilst the Infidels were seiz'd with a general Consirmation, Alexis and John Comnenus chas'd the Turks to the Banks of Euphrates.

But as advantagious as these Crusades might be to the Greeks^ the Emperors trembled to see such a Successlon of fierce Heroes and formidable Armies marching thro' the Heart of their Dominions.

This induc'd them _to leave nothing unattempted that might create a DisTatisfaction in Europe at these Expeditions; and the Votaries to the Cross, were continually ensnar'd by every Instance of Treachery that could possibly be expected from a timorous Enemy.

It must be acknowledg'd that the French, who promoted these Expeditions, had not praclised any Conduit that could render their Presence very supportable; and we may judge by the Investives of Ann Comm/W'against our Nation, that we act without much Precaution in foreign Countries, and were at that time chargeable with the lame exceptionable Freedoms we are reproach'd for at this Day.

A French Nobleman was going to seat himself upon the Emperor's Throne, but Earl 5^ww caught him by the Arm; You ought to know, said he, that when we are in any Country whatever, 'tis proper to comply with the Customs that prevail there. I think I am a compleat Countryman, reply'd the other, to sit whilst so n^ny Captains are {landing.

The Germans^ who came after the French, and were the most civil and undesigning People in the Worldf, suffer'd very severely

f History of Manuel Comntnus by Nicetas, L. I.

for our Follies, and were continually embarrass'd with a Set of Dispositions that had been sufficiently irritated by our Countrymen against all Foreigners.

In fine, the Aversion of those Eastem People was work'd up to the higheil Extream, and this with some Incivilities offer'd to the Venetian Merchants, operating upon the A,mbition, Avarice and false Zeal of that Nation as well as the French, determined them to form a Crusade against the �Greeks.

The united Army of these two European Nations found their Enemies altogether as pustllammous arid unwarlike as the Cbineje appear'd to the Tartars in our Time. The Frenchmen ridkuPd their effeminate Habitg, and walked threugh the Streets of Constantinople dres?d in flowered Mandes^ and carrying Pens and Paper m their Hands, in Oerisiori to that Nation, who had degenerated from all military Discipline, and when the War was over, they refused to admit any Greeks into their Troops.

The Jj&ietians and French soon after declar'd for the Western Empire, and transferrM the Imperial Throne to the Earl of

8 ^Icet. History of the Eastern Transactioh after the taking of Conjiantinople, C. III.

Flanders ^ whose Dominion^ being very distant, could not create any- Jealousy in the Italians. The Greeks still sUpported themselves in the East, being separated from the Turks by a Chain of Mountains, and divided from the Italians by the Sea.

The Latins^ who found no Obstacles in their Conquests, met with many in their Settlement. The Greeks returned from Asia into Europe^ retook Constantinople, and seized the greatest part of the West.

This new Empire however was but a faint Shadow of the. Former, and had no solid Power for its Basis.

It comprehended few Territories in Asia^ besides the Provinces on this side the Meander and Sangar , and most of those in Europe were parcel'd out into small Sovereignties,

We may add to this, that during the Sixty Years the Latins were possess'd of Constantinople^ the conquer'd People being dispers'd and the Victors engag'd in War, all Commerce was transferr'd to the Cities in Italy^ and Constantmople became divested of its Riches.

The Commerce even of the Inland Countries was carried on by the Latins. The Greeksh, who were but newly re-establilh'd,

b Canttcuxen. L. IV.

and were likewise alarm'd with innumerable Apprehensions, became dcsirous to ingratiate themselves with the Genoese^ by granting them a Permission to traffic without paying any Duties \ and as they were unwilling to irritate the Venetians^ Who had not accepted of Peace, but only consented to a Truce, these were likewise discharged from the same Payments.

Tho' Manuel Comnenus had suffer'd the Navigation of the Empire to decline before Constantinople was taken, yet it could be easily re-establish'd, since Commerce still subsisted; but when all maritime Affairs became entirely ne^lected under the new Empire, the Mischief grew remediless,, because the Power of the Empire was daily declining.

This State, which extended its Dominion over many Islands, and was intersected by the Sea, which likewise sur rounded several of its Territories, was entirely unprovided of Ships. The former Communication no longer subsisted between the Provinces, the Inhabitants ' were oblig'd to shcker themselves in the Inland Parts from Pyrates, and when they thought themselves safe in such a Sanctuary, they soon found it necessary to retire into the Fortresses, to pre-

1 Pacbymer. L. VII.

serve themselves from the Hostilities of the Turks.

These barbarous People were at that time engag'd in a peculiar War against the Greeks, and might properly be calPd Hunters of Men. They sometimes march'd two hundred Leagues into a Country to ao complim their Depredations; and as they were in Subjection to several Sultansk, it was impossible to purchase a Peace from every Tribe; and to procure it from any particular Parties, was altogether insignificant. These Barbarians had embraced Mohammedismy and their Zeal for that Religion strangely prompted them to ravage the Chrrstian Territories: Besides, as they were the most unamiable People on Earth1, and were married to Wives as disagreeable as themselves, the Moment they were acquain-

* Cantacuzen. L. III. c. 96. Pacbymer. L. XI. c. 9.

* This Circumstance gave Birth to a Northern Tradition related by Jornandes the Goth, That Pbilimer, King of the Goths, having made an Inrode into the Getic Territories, found several Women who were Sorceresses, and drove them to a great Distance from his Army ; after which those female Magicians wandered in the Deserts, where that Species of Damons caK'd Incubi, consorted with them, and by their amorous Familiarities produced the Nation of the Huns. Genus feroctsstmum quod fuit primum inter paludet minutum tc~ trum atque exile* nee a/iud voce notum, nlst qua bumani serments imagimm assignabat. i, e. A fierce and savage

ted with the Grecian Women, all the rest of that Sex became insupportable to them, andthose beauteous Females were continually exposed to the brutal Passion of these Barbarians� . In fine, they had been always accustom'd to invade the Properties of other People, and were the same Huns who had formerly involv'd the Roman Empire in ib many Calamities.

The Turks broke in like a Deluge upon the mattered Remains of the Grecian Empire in Asia^ and those of the Inhabitants who were happy enough to escape their Fury, fled before them to the Bosphorus, from whence such as could accommodate themselves with Ships, sail'd to those Parts of the Empire that were situated in Europe, which occasion'd a considerable Addition to the Number of the Inhabitants, tho* they were diminish'd in a short Period of Time: For Civil Wars began to rage with so much

People, who liv'd sequestred from the rest of Mankind, among Fens and Marines, ghastly and haggard in their Perspns, and whose Voices were only an imperfect Articulation of human Speech.

m Michael Duc^s Hist. of John Manuel, John and Constantine, c. b* Constantine Pdrpbyrogenitus observes, at the Beginning of his Extract of the Embassies, that when the Barbarians came to Constantinople, the Romans ought to have been very cautious of shewing them the Grandeur of their Riches, and the Beauty of their Wives.

Fatality, that the TVo FadHons invited several Turkijh Sultans to their Assistance n, with this extravagant and inhuman Stipulation, that all the People of the Country, who were made Captives from the opposite Party, should be carried into Slavery^ by which Means each of those Factions concurr'd in the Destruction of their own Country with a View of ruining their Adversaries.

Bajazet having conquered all the other Sultans, the Turks would then have acted agreeably to their 'future Behaviour in the Reign of Mohammed II. had not they been in danger of Extermination by the Tartars.

I am now afraid to describe the Miseries which resulted from these Revolutions, and shall only intimate, that the Empire under its last Monarchs, being contracted within the Suburbs of Constantinople, finish'd its Progress like the Rhine* which shrinks into a Rivulet before it loses it self in the Ocean.

» See the History of the Emperors John Patethgus and John Gantacuzenus, written by Gantacuzenus.


Page Line for read

112 23 having have

133 7 instituted intitled

134 15 and for

135 15 denied desired 140 21 Height Heights 143 29 one any one

172 15 Terma Forms

173 -27 Sea Seas ibid 28 where whose toe 29 Vakntian VaUntinian 196 10 Child Children 236 9 that the

239 9 Isawrtts Jsaurus

ibid 20 carries carried

253 ii Kbafifat Kbalifit



ADRIAN settles the Boundary of the Empire, Page 159. The Consequence of that Establishment, 160. -#£RA, the true one of the Roman Corruption, 49.

^ETOLIANS, their Character, 41. AFFAIRS of Importance, why frequently dis-

concerted, 121.

AFFLUENCE, wherein it consists, 95. ALLIES, the Romans had various Kinds, 58. ANDROMACHE, a remarkableExpression of hers,


ANi>RONicirs PALAEOLOGUS, why he negle&ed , his maritime Power, 244. ANTHONY, his Conduct upon the peath of Cajsor, 117. His Behaviour at Cæsar'* Funeral, and the Effects of it, 118, 119. The Government of Macedonia assign'd to him, 120. Defeated at Modena^ 122. Assures his S<rldkrs he would restore the Republick, 127.

ARABIANS , the swift Progress of their Arms, 233. When their Power came to a Period in Persay and by what Cause, .256, 257. ARIAN Seel, when predominant in the Empire, 212.

ATTILA, the Extent of his Victories, 202, His Haughtiness, ibid. Why he permitted the Romans to subsist, ibid. His Character and Grandeur, 203, 204. The State of the Roman Empire after his Death, 205.

AUGUSTUS, a Name of Flattery, 128. His Character, 130 to 134. Whether he had a real Inclination to divest himself of the Empire, 131. The Tendency of his Actions, 132. Instances of his Conduct, 136,

AURELIUS, Marcus, his Charadter, 161.

AUXILIARIES, never suffer'd, by the ancient Romans, to out-number their own Troops, 192.


BARBARIANS, their Deviations, 206, Unqualify 'd for the Siege, and Defence of Towns, 212. Soon degenerate after their Establrshrnent in the South, 213. Useful, at last, to the Empire, 255.

BARBARY, Rovers of; to what they owe their Security, 255.

BAR LA AM , a ridiculous Controversy between him and the Monks of Constantinople* 241.

BELLISARIUS, to what Cause he ascrib'd part of his Success, 214. Invades Africa ^ and conquers Sicily ^ &c. 215. His Character, 216. His Opinion of the Persiam^ 226.

BERN, an Account of that Canton, 92.

BILLS of Exchange, their EffecT:, 232.

BOEOTIANS, their Character, 42.


CJ*ESAR, wherein he reieTnlbled Sylla, 102. His Conduct to Pompey, 104. What Circumstance capacitated him for any Undertaking, 104. His Character, 106. In what Instance justly accused by Cicero, no. Other Instances of his Condudt, 111.

CALIGULA; a short Character .of him, 146. His Regulations, ibid. His Severity, 147. Why lamented by the People, 150. A Sophiit in Cruelty, 152. ,

CALINICUS ; invents an artificial Flame, 252.

CAMP; not the only military School of the Romans, 15.

CAPITE CENSI; who, 85, in the Not*.

CARACALLA; why lamented by the People, 150. His Character, 167*0169.

CARTHAGINIANS ; compared with the Romans% 25. Their Cavalry preferable to that of the Romans, and .why, 31.

CENSORS; a Description of their Office, 80, &e. By whom instituted, 81, in the Note.

CHRISTIANITY; what Circumstance-was the greatest Obstacle to its 'Progress among the Romans, 167, When established, 199. The Dispute between the ProfeiTors of Christianity against the Pagans, 199. Intermixed with several Heresies, 228.

CICERO; his injudicious Conduct,. 120. Hii Character, izc.

CIVIL WAR; why a State that has been engaged in it enjoys great Advantages over o-

thers, ic8. Confirmed by modern Instanew, 109.

CLAUDIUS; hgw afljpdted by the Combats of the Gladiators, 148. In what manner he compleated the Subversion of the antient Form of Government, 154.

CLEOPATRA; a Glance at her Character, 127.

COLONIES ; their Use among the Romans^ 135*

COMET ; the Appearance of one at Casorrs Death, and the Inipression it made on the People, 119.

COMMERCE ; its Consequence, with respecl to such Powers as are eilablished by it, 31.

COMMODUS ; why lamented by the People, 150* His Character, 162.

COMMON PEOPLE; why they were generally pleased with War, 6.

COMPENDIUM, of the Roman History, 193.

CONFISCATED LANDS; how divided, 7.

CONQUESTS; why easily made, but retained with Difficulty, 38.

CONSPIRACIES in a State; why very difficult to be executed now, 232.

CONSTANTINE, his Motives for transferring the Seat of Empire to the East, i 80, His injudicious Proceeding, 181, Impairs the Frontiers of the Empire, 184.

CONSTANTINOPLE, divided into two Fadions called the Blew and the �retn, 218. The greatest City of Commerce in the World, 254. When it' became divested of its Riches, 261.

CRUSAROESJ their Original, 258.


DANISH TROOPS; why generally defeatedby the Swedes^ 194.

DECEMVIRI; the State of Rome in their Time, 11

DEFEAT ; why generally irreparable in the Time of the Romans^ 127, 128.

DESERTIONS; why frequent among us, 17.

DIOCLESIAN makes a Law, that there should! always be two Emperors, and two Ctesarsy 176. The Conserences of that Eitablish-

ment, 176, &V. °

DIVINES , incapable of accommodating their A own Disagreements, 248. A remarkable In- , jstance of their untra&able Dispositions, 248. In what Manner theirDisputes should be consider'd, 249.

DIVISIONS; why necessary to the Roman State,, 90. Those which are necessary to a Republick, are destrucYive to an arbitrary Govern?* ment, and why, 218, 219. DOMITIAN i his Character, 156.


EGYPT; a pernicious Instance of its Politick^ 51. Of what People its Forces were composed, 52,

EMPERORS, what Prerogatives they obtained, 143. The-Source of their formidable Tyranny, 147. Why their Power might appear more tyrannical than that of modern Princes, 1,63. Emperors of ;he East more injurious

than the Goths, 209. A Reason given by the Grandees, why the Empire should be governed by three Emperors, 236.

EMPIRE, Roman, how it became effectually ruined, 183. 20$. Reasons why the Western Empire was destroy'd before the Eastern, 207, to 212. How the Empire was fortified by the antient Romans, and destroy'd by their Poilerity, 221.

ENGLAND; when mod respected, 109.

ENTERPRISES; Reasons why great Enterprises are more impradicable among us, than they were to the Ancients, 231, 232.

EPICURUS; his Sedl very prejudicial to the Minds and Genius of the Romans, 93.

EXERCISES of the Bpdy; the modern Idea of them, 151.


FACTION of the Blue and Green at Conjlantlnople, 218. The Consequences of their

mutual Animolities, 219. FLEETS ; very great ones seldom successful, and

why, 214, 215. FORTIFICATIONS, the Consequence of eredling

them in the Eoiprure, 224. FORTUNE ; a Proof that (he never interposes in

the Government of the World, 193 FRANCE; when mod formidable, 109. Has

been afflided with two sorts of Civil War,

128. When mod defenceless, 224. FRENCH; their Character, 259. FREB STATES; why not so permanent as other

Governments, 87.


GAUL ; the State of it when Julian was sent there, 184. GERMANICUS; the Iinpression his Death made

on the People, 144, 145. GLADIATORS; the Impressions their Combats

made on the People, 148. From what Class

of the People seledted, 151, In the Note.

When abolished, 184, in the Note. GOTHS; entreat the Romans to allow them a

Place of Refuge, 187. Their Ravages, 188.

Their Character, 205. in the Note. GOVERNMENTS; why those that are modern

are not so inhuman as the Roman Govern-


ment, 149,

GRECIAN EMPIRE ; an Idea of its History, 227. Character of jthe Grecian Nation and Empire, 236> 237- Reasons for its long Duration, 253> 254.

GREECE ; the State of it when the War between that Nation and the Romans first began, 41. How it maintained it self, 43.

GREEKS; regardless of their Oaths, 94. The most implacable Nation against Hereticks, 228^ 229. Retake Conjtantinople, 261*


HANNIBAI ; the most august Spe&acle of Antiquity, 35, A miitaken Notion with respecl: to him> 37. The Effects of his Conquests, 38.

HJELIOGABALUS; the Change he intended toeffedt in Religion, and, the Consequence of

that Circumstance, 166. HENRY VIL of England; why he encreased the

Power of the Commons, 4. HISTORY, very difficult after the Asiumption of

Irrfperial Power at Rome^ 137. HORMISDAS, the Discourse of one of his Am*

bassadors, 226. HUNS; what Country they inhabited, 105.

Their Charader, ihid. By what means they

tiril came into Europe^ 186.


IMAGES ; from what Turn of Mind the Ve* neration for them arose, 237, 238. The Worship of them, by whom re-establish'd, and by whom abolished, 239. What Circumstance inflam'd the Controversy relating to them, 240.

IMPERIAL THRONE ; transferred to the Earl of Flanders, 260,261.

INFALLIBILITY, not to be ascribed to any hu^ man Power, 250.

JOHN, Emperor of Consiantin&ple-y the mean Behaviour of him and his Empress, 247.

JUDICIAL ASTROLOGY ; succeeds among the Christians to Divination by the Entrails of Vidlims, extirpated with Paganism, 230,

JULIAN, his Character, 185. His Army, pursued, in their Retreat from the East, ^>y the Arabians, 190. His Speech, ibid, in the Note.

JUSTINIAN, in what Situation of Affairs he un*dertook the Recovery of Africa and Italy > 212. Introduces many Calamities by his bad Conduct, 216. The Cause from whence his Victories resulted, 216, 217. Marries a Woman from the Theatre; her Chara&er, 217.. Favours the Faction of the Blue, 219. His Character by Procopius, 220. Observations on his Institute^ 220, 221. Extirpates the several religious Sects in the Empire, and the Consequence of that Proceeding, 222.


KINGS ; what chiefly contributed to the Ruin of moll of them, 72.


LABOUR; why immoderate Labour destroy^ our Armies, and yet preserv'd those of the, Romans, 14.

LANDS ; the Consequence of their equal Distrt-

bution among the Romans, 22. 136. LATINE CITIES, whence sprung, n. LAWS j why good ones are incommodious to a.

small Republick, that Mas risen to aft establi-

ihed Grandeur, 91, LEGION; by whom the Idea of it was inspired,

according to Vegetiu^ 13. How armed, ibid.

What it included, and how strengthened, 14. LEMDUS, his Character, 126. LIBERTY; in what Instance the Spirit of it cea-

ses to subsist in a Republick, 90, !*VCRETIA$ the Consequence of her D$ith, 4^


MACEDONIA ; its Situation, and the Character of its People, 43, The Character of its Kings, 44. How divided by the Senate, and the Consequence of that Division, 62, 63.

MARIUS, the principal Motive to his War with Sylla, 154.

MASSANISSA, why his Power was heightned by the Romans, 40.

MAURICE the Emperor, his Character, 227.

MITHRIDATES ; how it was possible for him to restit the Romans, 71. His Character, 73.

MONKS; their Conduci in the Grecian Empire, 239, 240. Inflame the Controversy relating to Images, and for what Reason, 240, 241. A ridiculous Controversy between them and Barlaam, 241. Instances of their impious Behaviour, 242, 243, 244.


NAVIGATION , how managed by the Ancients, 32.

NERO, why lamented by the People, i^o. NUMA; how his Reign was adapted, 3.


OCTAVIUS, his artful Conducl to Cuero^ 121. Diverts Lepidus of his Power in the Triumvirate, 125. His Character, 126.

OROSUS ; with what View he coraposed his History, 201.


PARALLEL, between Cato and Cicero, 121, I 22.

PARTHIANS, their Manner of fighting, 158. What the Preservation of their Liberty is to be ascrib'd to,-159.

PATRIARCHS of Constantmople, their insolent Behaviour, 245, 246.

PATRICIAN Families, their Character and Conduel, 75, &Y.

PEOPLE ; what sort of them are most apprehenfive of Calamities, 145.

PEOPLE of Jtaly^ why they made so strong Resistance against the ancient Romany 10. Not equally warlike, ibid.

PERSIANS ; in a much happier Situation than the Romans, 225, 226. Cultivate the military Art, 226. Demand Tribute of the Romans* ibid.

PHILIP King of Macedon; his Character and Conducl, 44. Defeated by the Romans, 45.

PHILIP, his Supplications to the Army unavailing, 172.

PHILIPPICUS, his ridicalous Conduct, 237.

PHQCAS, raised to the Imperial Dignity from a Centurion, 227.

PLEBEANS; their Character, 149.

PLUNDER; how distributed among the ancient Romans, 6.

POLITICIANS j their Misconduct not always voluntary, 191.

POLYGAMY ; the Consequence of prohibiting It at Conjlantinoph^ 218.

POMPEY j his Exercises when Fifty eight Years of Age, 15, in the Note. Conquers Mithridates, 74. Compleats the Roman Grandeur, ibid. What he did to make himself popular, 100. Instances of the Esteem the People of Rome had for him, 101. Instances of his Moderation, 102. His Character, ibid. Led into three fatal Actions, and by what, 103. What contributed molt to his Destruction, 104. The Impressions he received from Cæsar's PasTage over the Rubicon^ 106. His Indiscretion before the Battle of Pharsalia, 107.

POMPEY, Sextus, vanquished by the Abilities of Agrippa,'125-

PORPHYROGENITUS, its Signification, 2zS+

POST-OFFICES, the Consequences of their Invention, 231, 232.

PREFECTS of the Prgetorian Bands; their Power, 177. Reduced by Constantine^ ibid.

PRiE^ts, Grecian, compared to the Scythians mentioned by Herodotus, 241, 242.

PROCOPIUS ; Remarks upon his Secret Hljloryr 220.

PROSCRIPTIONS j when they first began, 71. Their Effects, ibid. Their Inventor, 99.

PYRRHUS i wherein his Grandeur consided, 24^


RELIGION; its Imprelsions on the Romans, 95ROMANS ; how their original Strength was in-

creased, 2. What Circumstanee chiefly raised them to trie Sovereignty of the World, 3^ When they appointed Consuls, and the Consequence, 5. Why few of the Wars of the ancient Romans were decilive, 10. Why able to bear heavier Arms than other Men, 14Comparison between them and the Gauls, 23. What they learned by the Invasion of Pyrrhus* 24. Their Cavalry inferior to that of the ^Carthaginians^ and why, 32, 33. What in*duced them to make Africa the Seat of War, in the time of Hannibal* 39. In what man~ ner they deprived the Egyptian Kings of the Body of their Soldiery, 53. Their Conduct in order to subdire all Nations, 54. Their Conduct to their Allies, ibid. Their Conduct when opposed by several Enemies at the same time, 55. Character of their Treaties, 56* In what manner they granted Peace to any Prince or People, 57. Their Conduct whenthey permitted any Cities the Enjoyment of their Liberty, 58* How they weaken'd great Princes, 59. The Motive of their declaring War against Mithridatts, 66. Their Conduct before they engaged in a distant War, 63. Their Abuse of the Subtlety of sorne Words in their Language, 63, 64. Their Methods, of arrogating the Treasures of the Universe,, 66, Their Conduct after the Death of Anti-

ochu<9 68. Wherein the Strength of their Armies consided, 158. In what manner they received the Gods of other Nations, 166. Frdm whence they derived their Grandeur, 190. Lose their military Discipline, 194. By what Means they arrived at universal Monarchy, ib. 195. An Instanceofthe Strictness of their ancient military Discipline, 196. Why their Tributes from the Provinces became insupportable, 197. Wherein they antiently placed all their Security, 223.

ROMAN SOLDIERS, how trained up, 15. What their chief Care, i $. In what Circumstance never imitated by any Nation, 96.

ROME, how built at first, i, 2. Why engaged in perpetual War, 7. The Ccnsequence of its being taken by the Gauls, 12. Compared with Carthage, 25. Its Conduct in the War with Hannibal, 35. How saved, 36. The proper Idea of it, 69. Its State after the Expulsion of trie Kings, 75. In what Insiance its Government was wonderful, 83. The Causes which destroyed it, 8$. The vast Compass of the City fatal to it, 89. The State of Rome after the Death of Casir, 116. What oblig'd to, in a constant State of War, 134. A City of no Force, 209. Why it rose to such a Height of Grandeur, 21 o.

ROMULUS ; how he and his Successbrs were employed, z.


SARACENS, their Ghara&er, 234, 235. SCIPIO; the Consequence of his going into Africa, 39.

SEA COMPASS; the good Effects of its Invention, 33.

SENATE ; Instances of their ilayish Obsequiousness to Cæsar^ 140.

SERVIUS TULLIUS ; why he enlarged the Pri-

/ vileges of the People, 4.

SEVERUS, his Chara&er, 163, 164.

SE^TUS , his Crime, and its general Consc* quence, 3.

SOLDIERS, Roman> had three sorts of Advantages, 191. .

STOICS, Character of their Sect, 161.

SUICIDE ; Causes assigned for it among-the Romans, 123.

SVLLA , his Character, 98. The principal Motive to his War with Marius^ 154, 176.

SYMMACHUS, his Letter to the Emperors against Christianity, 200.

SYRIA, Character of its Kings, 47. Its Empire , by whom founded, Ibid. Whence its chief Weakness sprung, 49. SCYTHIANS j how they sublisted, 207.


TARQUIN, his Character, 4. His Conduct when he intended to build the Capitol, 160.

THEOLOGICAL Disputesj when most frivolous, 244, 245.

TIBERIUS, diveils the People of the Power of Ceding Magistrates, 141. His Character, 142, 164.

TITUS VESPASIAN, his CharacteT, 156.

TRAJAN, his Character, 156. Accomplices Carsar's Projed 6f invading the Partbiansj


TREASON, to what Cases extended by Tiberius, 138.

TRIBES; how many in Number, and their Privileges, 82, in the Note.

TRIBUNES ; -how employed, by the People, 2 8. The Punishment for treating them injuriouily, 143.

TRIUMPHS, their Origin, 2,

TURKISH EMPIRE, its present State, 256*

TYRANNY j which sort has the seyerest Effect, 139-


TTALENTINIAN, his Conduct, 185. V VALENS, his Condudt with respe& to the

Gotbs, 187*

VANDALS, emasculated with Pleasures, 213. VELITES, who, 19, in the Note. VESPASIAN, his Conduct, 154. UNION ; the true Idea of it, 90,


WA R ; why better to hazard an unsuccessAil one, than part with great Sums for a precarious Peace, 189.