CHAPTER IV.

ON THE PERMANENT RESIDENCE OF CONGRESS.

August 25th, Tuesday. — Attended at the usual hour. On Saturday I had proposed to Mr. Morris to bring forward all the places which had been mentioned for the permanent residence of Congress, at one time. He answered rather roughly: "Let those that are fond of them bring them forward; I will bring forward the Falls of the Delaware." Accordingly, although the President was every moment looked for, he presented the draught of the Falls to the Chair. Yesterday I could do nothing, for the attendance of the President. This morning, however, I took the first opportunity, and presented the draught with the description of Lancaster. I nominated Wright's Ferry, Yorktown, Carlisle, Harrisburg, Reading, and Germantown, giving a short description of each. After this, the Coasting bill was taken up and read the third time. Then the resolution for adjourning the 22d of September. A debate ensued, but was carried; after this the amendments to the Constitution sent from the House of Representatives. They were treated contemptuously by Izard Langdon, and Mr. Morris. Izard moved that they should be postponed till next session. Langdon seconded, and Mr. Morris got up and spoke angrily but not well. They, however, lost their motion, and Monday was assigned for taking them up. I could not help observing the six year-class [of Senators] hung together on this business, or the most of them.

Now came the Compensation bill. I moved the wages to be five dollars per day. I was seconded by Elmer; but on the question only he, Wyngate, and myself rose. Mr. Morris almost raged, and in his reply to me said he cared not for the {135} arts people used to ingratiate themselves with the public. In reply I answered that I had avowed all my motives. I knew the public mind was discontented. I thought it our duty to attend to the voice of the public. I had been informed that the average of the wages of the old members of Congress was a little better than five dollars per diem. I wished to establish this as a principle. I would then have data to fix a price on, as the old wages were never complained of. Morris, Izard, and Butler were in a violent chaff. Mr. Morris moved that the pay of the Senators should be eight dollars per day.

Up now rose Izard; said that the members of the Senate went to boarding-houses, lodged in holes and corners, associated with improper company, and conversed improperly, so as to lower their dignity and character; that the delegates from South Carolina used to have £600 per year, and could live like gentlemen, etc. Butler rose; said a great deal of stuff of the same kind; that a member of the Senate should not only have a handsome income, but should spend it all. He was happy enough to look down on these things; he could despise them, but it was scandalous for a member of Congress to take any of ills wages hone; he should rather give it to the poor, etc. Mr. Morris likewise paid himself some compliments on his manner and conduct in life, his disregard of money, and the little respect he paid to the common opinions of people. Mr. King got up, said the matter seemed of a delicate nature, and moved for a committee to whom the bill might be referred. This obtained, and a committee of five were appointed. By the complexion of the committee it would seem the Senate want their wages enlarged. I answered Mr. Morris in a way; that gave him a bone to chaw, but I believe it is as well forgot.

August 26th. — Attended the Senate. The minutes were lengthy, but I was surprised to find no notice taken of my presenting the draft of Lancaster, the letter, and my nomination of the other places in Pennsylvania, although I had put in writing the whole matter and given it to the Secretary. When he had read about half-way of his minutes, I rose and called on him to know why he had not inserted them. He said he was not come to them, but seemed much confused. He, however, got the letter and handed it to the Vice-President, {136} and it was read. After this the nomination was read, and Butler opposed their being put on the minutes; I, however, had a vote for their going on. Mr. Morris was all this while out. He was of the committee on the Compensation bill. When he came in, Otis, the Secretary, came to him and whispered something to him God forgive me if I heard wrong or apprehended wrong, bat I thought he said, "Maclay has got that put on the minutes." Mr. Morris went out and stayed out until Senate adjourned, leaving his hat and stick (perhaps he was writing letters in the adjoining room). He called in as the Senate rose, and seemed unwilling to leave me in the room with Otis. I went with him to the door, but returned and spoke to Otis. All this is, perhaps, the effect of over-observation; I, however, care not.

The penal law was taken up. Elsworth had a string of amendments. For a while he was listened to, but he wrought himself so deep in his niceties and distinctions as to be absolutely incomprehensible. lie fairly tired the Senate, and was laughed at. I think he may well be styled the "Endless Elsworth." I forgot to minute yesterday that the Treasury bill was taken up. A number of the Senate had recanted again on this bill, and were against the power of the President's removing: and had answered accordingly. The House of Representatives sent us up an adherence, and now Mr. Morris proposed to me to leave the House. I would neither do this nor change my mind, and he was angry. This was before we had the difference on the Compensation bill.

Last night there was a meeting of the Pennsylvania delegation on the subject of fixing the permanent residence. There was little of consequence said. They mentioned their former agreement to vote for every place that should be nominated in Pennsylvania. Clymer said some things that savored more of independence than any of them. Mr. Scott declared he would put himself entirely in their hands, and move anything that should be agreed upon. Mr. Clymer declared for the Potomac rather than stay here. I understood him that he thought this politically right. Fitzsimons and the Speaker seemed to second everything that Mr. Morris said. Hartley was for Susquehanna and Yorktown. But, indeed, I think the whole {137} measure likely to be abortive. They have brought the whole matter forward, but have no system. I saw this, but did not hazard a single sentiment on the subject; indeed, I could not without implying some kind of censure. I called this morning and endeavored to put Mr. Scott on tenable ground on the affair of removal, and left him in a proper way of thinking; at least, if he should be defeated, to advance nothing but what is defensible.

August 27th., Thursday. — The business in the Senate was the third reading' of the penal bill. We had but little debate until we came to a clause making it highly criminal to defame a foreign Minister. Here Izard, King, and Johnson made a great noise for the paragraph. Mr. Adams could not sit still in his chair. It was a subject of etiquette and ceremony. Two or three times did his impatience raise him to talk in a most trifling manner. However, it did not avail; the paragraph was lost.

Mr. Morris could not sit one moment with us (the subject of the permanent residence was in agitation in the other House). To tell the truth, Mr. Morris' whole attention seems bent to one object, to get the Federal residence to Trenton. Mr. Scott (agreeable to what had been settled this morning) brought in a motion to the following effect: "That a place ought to be fixed for the permanent residence of the General Government as near the center of population, wealth, and extent of territory as is consistent with the convenience of the Atlantic navigation, having also due regard to the Western Territory"; and concluded that Thursday next be assigned for taking it up. This was carried.

Senate adjourned early. At a little after four I called on Mr. Bassett, of the Delaware State. We went to the President's to dinner. The company were: President and Mrs. Washington, Vice-President and Mrs. Adams, the Governor and his wife, Mr. Jay and wife, Mr. Langdon and wife, Mr. Dalton and a lady (perhaps his wife), and a Mr. Smith, Mr. Bassett, myself, Lear, Lewis, the President's two secretaries. The President and Mrs. Washington sat opposite each other in the middle of the table; the two secretaries, one at each end. It was a great dinner, and the best of the kind I ever was at. The room, however, was disagreeably warm.

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First was the soup; fish roasted and boiled; meats, gammon, fowls, etc. This was the dinner. The middle of the table was garnished in the usual tasty way, with small images, flowers (artificial), etc. The dessert was, first apple-pies, pudding, etc.; then iced creams, jellies, etc.; then water-melons, musk-melons, apples, peaches, nuts.

It was the most solemn dinner ever I sat at. Not a health drank; scarce a word said until the cloth was taken away. Then the President, filling a glass of wine, with great formality drank to the health of every individual by name round the table. Everybody imitated him, charged glasses, and such a buzz of "health, sir," and "health, madam," and "thank you, sir," and "thank you, madam," never had I heard before. Indeed, I had liked to have been thrown out in the hurry; but I got a little wine in my glass, and passed the ceremony. The ladies sat a good while, and the bottles passed about; but there was a dead silence almost. Mrs. Washington at last withdrew with the ladies.

I expected the men would now begin, but the same stillness remained. The President told of a New England clergyman who had lost a hat and wig in passing a river called the Brunks. He smiled, and everybody else laughed. He now and then said a sentence or two on some common subject, and what he said was not amiss. Mr. Jay tried to make a laugh by mentioning the circumstance of the Duchess of Devonshire leaving no stone unturned to carry Fox's election. There was a Mr. Smith, who mentioned how Homer described Æneas leaving his wife and carrying his father out of flaming Troy. He had heard somebody (I suppose) witty on the occasion; but if he had ever read it he would have said Virgil. The President kept a fork in his hand, when the cloth was taken away, I thought for the purpose of picking nuts. He ate no nuts, however, but played with the fork, striking on the edge of the table with it. We did not sit long after the ladies retired. The President rose, went up-stairs to drink coffee; the company followed. I took my hat and came home.

August 28th. — There was a meeting of the Pennsylvania delegation at the lodgings of Mr. Clymer and Mr. Fitzsimons. I did not hear of it until I came to the Hall; but I hastened {139} there. The Chief Justice of Pennsylvania and Mr. Pettitt attended with a memorial from the public creditors. Their business was soon done, as we promised to present it in both Houses. But it seems there was a further design in this meeting. Mr. Morris, attended to deliver proposals from Mr. Hamilton on the part of the New England men, etc. Now, after the Eastern members have in the basest manner deserted the Pennsylvanians, they would come forward with proposals through Mr. Hamilton. This same Mr. Morris is as easily duped as another.

I spoke early, and declared that now the New England men find their deceitfulness has not availed them, and yet they wish to try their arts a second time; that their only view was to get a negotiation on foot between them and the Pennsylvanians that they might break the connection that is begun between the Pennsylvanians and the Southern people. I was extremely happy to find this sentiment pervade the Pennsylvanians. Mr. Morris labored in vain, and his chagrin was visible. We came for the Hall. In coming up Broad Street, Mr. Morris declared he would oppose the Susquehanna as the permanent residence, for it was unfavorable to commerce. He observed me, and added, as far as he could consistent with the engagements he had come under to the delegation. I need no such declaration of his to fix my opinion of his conduct; he has had no other object in view but the Falls of the Delaware since he has been Senator; at least, this has been his governing object.

Attended at the Hall. And now the report of the committee on the Compensation bill was taken up. As I knew there was a dead majority against everything I could propose, I had determined not to say a word; but flesh and blood could not bear them. The doctrine seemed to be that all worth was wealth, and all dignity of character consisted in expensive living. Izard, Butler, King, Morris, led boldly, They were followed by the bulk of the Senate, at least in the way of voting. Mr. Carrol, of Maryland, though the richest man in the Union, was not with them. I did not speak long, and, enraged as I was at such doctrines, I am sure I did not speak well. I endeavored to show what the true dignity of character of individuals consisted in; as well as of the assembled Senate. And {140} then, turning, showed that extravagant expense, haughty and distant carriage, with contemptuous behavior to the mass of mankind, had a direct contrary effect; that, in short, mankind were not esteemed in the ratio of their wealth, and that it was in vain for the Senate to attempt acquiring dignity or consequence in that way; that I was totally against all discrimination;* that we were all equally servants of the public; that if there really was any difference in dignity, as some contended, it could not be increased by any act or assumption of ours — it must be derived from the Constitution, which afforded, in my opinion, no authority for such distinction.

[* Meaning between the Senators and Representatives as to pay.]

Elsworth seemed to aim at a kind of middle course; said he agreed there was a difference in dignity, etc., but at present was against any difference in pay. Mr. Adams was too impatient to keep his seat. Dignities, distinctions, titles, etc., are his hobby-horses, and file creature must ride. Three times did he interrupt Elsworth. Asked him if the dignity of the Senate was to be settled by the people? If the old Congress had not degenerated for want of sufficient pay? When Elsworth said the House of Lords in Britain had no pay, he [Adams] hastily rose and said a seat in the House of Lords was worth £60,000 sterling, per annum. Elsworth laid a trap for himself.

Up rose Izard, Lee, and others, and called for the sense of the House on the principle whether there should be a discrimination or not. It was in vain to urge that this was out of order. Lee said it was a division of the clause. I mentioned that if they must have such a question they should move a postponement. It was in vain, either way they would have this question, which was a leading one. Elsworth and sundry others, who had occasionally hinted something of the superior standing of the Senate, voted with it. The yeas and nays were called. Mr. Elsworth now took the back scent. He had voted for a discrimination, but had repeatedly, in his former arguments, mentioned six dollars as enough for the Senate. To be consistent, he moved the pay of the Representatives should be five dollars, and mentioned my principle of an average {141} of the pay which, he said, applied well to the Representatives. I rose and mentioned that this was the sum I aimed at for both Houses; but if this was carried and the Senate stood at six [dollars], we who had voted against a discrimination, if there was no division of the House, might stand in an odd light on the minutes. There was really nothing of consequence in the last observation, and it was not very well founded; but when the question on the five dollars was taken and lost, King and sundry others called for the yeas and nays with an avidity that I had never observed before. I voted against the clause, as I did against every other clause of the bill.

When the pay of the Senators came forward in the next clause at six dollars, I rose and declared I did not wish to detain the Senate, but I had voted against a discrimination when the yeas and nays were taken. I had voted a pay of five dollars per day to the Representatives. This, in my opinion, was sufficient pay for the members of either House. The yeas and nays were likewise taken on this question. I therefore moved that six dollars should be struck out and five inserted, and concluded that there would be consistency in my votes. I had voted no discrimination; I had voted for five dollars to the Representatives; I now wished to have my vote for five dollars to the Senators on the minutes.

Such a storm of abuse never, perhaps, fell on any member. "It was nonsense, stupidity." "It was a misfortune to have men void of understanding in the House." Izard, King, and Mr. Morris said every rude thing they could. I did not retort their abuse, but still explained the consistency of my motion. I stood the rage and insult of the bulk of the House, for what appeared to me an hour and a half, but it was not half so much perhaps. Izard was most vehement that no such motion should be admitted. It was foolish; it was nonsense; it was against all rule, etc. And all this, although there never was a fairer or plainer motion before the House. It was in vain that I declared I did not begin the business of the yeas and nays. It was in vain that I offered to withdraw the present motion if all the yeas and nays were taken off [the minutes]. Izard moved for the previous question. He was replied to that this would not smother the motion. When abuse and insult would {142} not do, then followed, entreaty. We adhered to the motion, and had the yeas and nays. General Schuyler joined us, so that we had four. Now some other business was done; it was past four o'clock, and we adjourned.

It is the agreement of the world that dreams are perfectly idle, but I can not help remembering that all last night I was perplexed in my sleep with angry ideas and fretful omens. Unluckily, these preadmonitions, if they are such, never act as preventives with me.

August 29, 1789. — The House having adjourned over to Monday, I had nothing to do. I felt myself worse of my complaint; both knees swelled with the rheumatism. I, however, wished to see the Pennsylvania Representatives, and went to the Hall. I saw Hartley, and exhorted him against entering into any cabal with regard to the residence; that the line was now marked out, and the principles laid down for fixing the Federal residence were broad, open, and honorable, such as any man might avow, and, above all, cautioned him to beware of the arts and devices of the New England men. He took it kindly, but did not seem to stand in need of any such caution. A moment after I met Mr. Smith, of Maryland. He had a terrible story, and from the most undoubted authority. A contract was entered into by the Virginians and Pennsylvanians to fix the permanent residence on the Potomac, right or wrong, and the temporary residence was to be in Philadelphia; and Clymer and Fitzsimons were gone to Philadelphia to reconcile the citizens of that place to it. I answered, I knew nothing of all this. I doubted it. I really do not believe it. So far as respects myself, if I am considered as included, I knew it to be false. He adhered to it with a firmness that surprised me. I called on almost all the Pennsylvanians during the day, and informed them of the tale. They all disowned every communication whatever in the way of a contract with the representation of any State. I called on Mr. Smith in the evening; told him he must be misinformed. He declared he had it through one person only — from one of the Pennsylvanians themselves. He, however, would give no names. I told him, be that as it might, I believed the matter to be groundless. He seemed afraid that I would suspect Mr. Morris, but did not {143} acquit him of it. I left him, having paid more attention to this business than perhaps it merited.

Had a card to dine with the Vice-President on Friday. Excused myself on account of my health.

On motion to amend the report as it regards the pay of the Senators by striking out six dollars and inserting five dollars. Passed in the negative. I know what a wretch Otis is. I therefore called on him to see how he had made up the minutes of yesterday on the three sets of yeas and nays. All was right. I thought this necessary.

I am not well in health, but this is not all. I have a heavy kind of melancholy hang on me, as if I was disgusted with the world. I do not know that; with the Senate I am certainly disgusted. I came here expecting every man to act the part of a god; that the most delicate honor, the most exalted wisdom, the most refined generosity, was to govern every act and be seen in every deed. What must my feelings be on finding rough and rude manners, glaring folly, and the basest selfishness apparent in almost every public transaction! They are not always successful, it is true; but is it not dreadful to find them in such a place?

August 30th. — Being Sunday, found myself really ill and a fever on me. Was ill all last night. I had an invitation to dine with the Speaker, but was obliged to decline it. Stayed at home all day and wrote to my dear family. Was not able to venture out; was worse after dinner and had to go to bed. Had a sleep and a gentle sweat, and found myself something better after it.

August 3lst. — Found myself very ill this morning; a most acute pain settled in my left hip. I, however, dressed and went to the Hall. After what had passed with Otis, notwithstanding I before knew him to be a villain, I scarce could suspect him of practicing anything now. When [in reading the minutes] he came to the motion, however, he read it, "That the pay of the Senators should be five dollars and that the pay of the Representatives should be six." I heard him with astonishment, but there was no time to be lost. I moved the necessary alteration and had it inserted. Izard attempted to support the Secretary. I stayed awhile, but found myself too {144} sick to attend. I came out of a window and found Otis in the corner room. I called on him to explain this business. He hummed, hawed; said his memory was bad. I put him in mind of my having called on him Saturday, and that it then stood right. I made him, however, copy it on a piece of paper. He said it was so in the other book; went to fetch it, but did not return. Sick and came home.

September 1st. — Exceedingly ill, with a settled and acute pain in my loins, particularly on my left side or hip. Dressed, however, and went to the Hall. The Salary bill was taken up. There seemed a disposition in a number of the Senators to give princely incomes to all the Federal officers. I really was astonished. Can it be that they wish to surround the President with a set of lordly and pompous officers, and thus having provided the furniture of a court, nothing but the name of majesty, highness, or some such title will be wanted to step into all the forms of royalty? My honorable colleague seemed particularly attached to all the officers of the Treasury. He either moved or seconded motions for augmenting the salaries of every one of them. I can not, however, blame him in particular He was more decent than many of them. The avowed object of these proposed augmentations was to enable the officers to live in style, to keep public tables, etc.

I was not able to rise against this principle, but Mr. Elsworth and others did the subject justice. I found the parties so nearly balanced that my vote generally decided in favor of the lowest sum. This made me sit in extreme pain until we got over the bill. I then withdrew, and it was really with difficulty that I got to my lodging. Almost every motion for increasing the salaries was accompanied with a declaration how vastly the salary was below the dignity of the office, and that they moved such small additions, despairing of obtaining greater from the House. The citizens of New York, where it is expected their salaries will be spent (and, I really believe, the candidates themselves), are busy, and perhaps others too, who expect favors from the officers.

September 2d. — It is vain; pain and sickness is my lot. I can not attend the Hall. Mr. Morris called late in the evening. {145} By him I find advantage was taken of my absence, and a reconsideration was moved and an addition carried to some of the salaries. Bonny Johney Adams giving the casting vote. The moderate part of the House exclaimed violently against the taking of this advantage of my absence, and obtained a postponement of the bill until to-morrow; but, alas, I can not attend if the whole Union were at stake. I lie here fixed with so acute a pain through my loins that I can not move more than if I were impaled.

To give me any information on this subject was not, however, Mr. Morris' object. There has been a violent schism between him and the Pennsylvania delegation, or at least a part of them. He begged leave to give me the whole detail of it. It was long, containing the first engagements at the City Tavern — viz., that whatever place (for residence of Congress) in Pennsylvania the New England men should name, the Pennsylvanians should vote for it; that every place named in Pennsylvania should be voted for by the whole delegation. These things I knew not, they having been transacted while I was absent. But what I well knew was that when Scott's motion came forward the New England men, instead of naming the Falls of the Delaware, as Mr. Morris expected (this being the point to which all Iris negotiations with Jay, Hamilton, etc., tended), they came prepared to expose the Pennsylvanians and ridicule the whole. In this critical moment the Virginians stepped in to the support of Scott's motion, rescued the Pennsylvanians from ridicule, and gave the whole a serious face. In this state were matters on the 28th ultimo [August, 1789], and I thought then that all negotiation with the New England men was at an end. Indeed, I was not for entering into any private engagements with any of them. My constant language to the delegation was: "You are on tenable ground. Now keep yourselves there." Something was, however, said as we parted on the 28th. If the New England men have anything to say, it must come from them. Mr. Morris caught at this, and opened a negotiation with them, and carried matters so far that a meeting was appointed by Mr. Morris of the Pennsylvania delegation at Clymer's and Fitzsimons's lodgings at five o'clock yesterday evening. Mr. Morris whispered me in {146} the Senate, "The whole business is settled, and you must come to Clymer's and Fitzsimons's lodgings at five o'clock.

On quitting the Senate chamber I called Mr. Scott out of the Representative chamber to tell him to apologize to the meeting for my absence, as I found myself scarcely able to move one step. All this was new to him. He said if any agreement was made it must be with the Virginians. I saw a cloud of mystery in the business, wished to attend, and parted with Scott, telling him if I can not attend I will send an apology by Mr. Wynkoop. I could not attend, but so nobly was the matter managed that, while Mr. Morris was introducing Mr. Goodhue and Mr. King on the part of the Eastern States, Mr. Madison was introduced on the part of the Virginians, or introduced himself. There, however, he was, and occupied a room down-stairs, while Goodhue and King sat with Mr. Morris up-stairs. Messages were exchanged. The result was, that Messrs. Clymer, Fitzsimons, Heister, Scott, and the Speaker declared totally against any treaty with the New England men. Hartley and Wynkoop declared themselves disengaged; and all parties departed. What Mr. Morris complains most bitterly of is that Fitzsimons should permit him to bring the New England men to his lodging on the terms of treaty, when he was determined against treating with them, and that there should be any terms of communicating with Mr. Madison to which he was a stranger.

Mr. Morris, however, has not quitted the game. He told me that all the New England men and [New] York delegation were now met, and they would, on the terms of the original proposals, name a place in Pennsylvania, for they had actually agreed on one, which he had no doubt was the Falls of [the] Delaware (by the by, I doubt it), and then we would see how the delegation would answer it to their constituents to negative a place in Pennsylvania. He then said something to me as to our conduct in the Senate. I said I thought we had better come under no engagements to any of them, but regulate our conduct on the principles of the interest of our State, subordinate to the great good of the Union. He agreed to this, and took his leave. And now we shall see what a day will bring forth. The {147} Virginia terms seem to be, "Give us the permanent residence, and we will give Philadelphia the temporary residence." Mr. Morris declared a vote could not be obtained in the Senate for an adjournment to Philadelphia.

September 3d. — Mr. Wynkoop went early to a meeting of the Pennsylvania delegation. They were staggered at the thought of voting, in the first instance, for a place out of the State. The business came on in the House of Representatives. Goodhue took the lead. And here I could give an advantageous lecture oil scheming. The mariner's compass has thirty-two points; the political one, perhaps, as many hundreds, and the schemers an indefinite number. And yet there is but one of them that will answer. It is true there were not so many points in the present case, but the wind came from an unexpected quarter. All Mr. Morris' expectations were blasted in a moment, for Goodhue moved a resolution for the Susquehanna, as the sense of the Eastern States, exclusive of New York. The debate was long and tedious, and the business of this day ended with carrying Scott's motion. Goodhue's stands until to-morrow.

Mr. Elsworth popped in this morning to see if I could not possibly attend on the Salary bill; but I could not. Mr. Elmer called in the evening. I know not in the Senate a man, if I were to choose a friend, on whom I would east the eye of confidence as soon as on this little doctor. He does not always vote right, and so I think of every man who differs from me, but I never yet saw him give a vote but I thought I could observe disinterestedness in his countenance. If such a one errs it is the sin of ignorance, and I think Heaven has pardons ready sealed for every one of them. "Behold, O God," can such a one say, "the machine which thou hast given me to work with; faithfully have I played its powers. If the result has been error, intentional criminality was not with me."

He was very urgent for my attendance on the Salary bill, but, on seeing the state of my knee, readily admitted there could be no expectation of it. He told me Mr. Morris was exerting his utmost address in engaging votes against the Susquehanna; he had influence with the Jersey members. The argument was, that they had been treated with disrespect in {148} not having been consulted when the [New] York and Eastern members fixed on the Susquehanna. If Mr. Morris really expects to obtain a vote for the Delaware, after what has happened, it is a proof how far interest will blind a man. But I do not believe he has any such expectations. His design must be to ruin the Susquehanna scheme, and, in fact, keep Congress in New York. I have heard him declare it ought never to be anywhere but in Philadelphia or New York. Those places suit his plans of commerce. Nor do I believe he ever will consent to its being anywhere else, unless it be on his own grounds at the Falls of the Delaware.

September 4th. — Goodhue's motion was carried. Mr. Morris called in the evening. He sat a long time. I never saw chagrin more visible on the human countenance. "Well," said he, "I suppose you are gratified." I really was vexed to see him so deeply affected. I said coolly, I could not be dissatisfied. He repeatedly declared he would vote for the Susquehanna because he had said so, but he would do everything in his power against it. This he called candor, but I think he can not call it consistency. It has long been alleged in this place that Mr. Morris governed the Pennsylvania delegation, and I believe this idea has procured Mr. Morris uncommon attention. This delusion must now vanish. He made a long visit. Mr. Wynkoop and myself said everything in our power to soften him, and we seemed to gain upon him. He mentioned with apparent regret some rich lands in the Conestoga manor which he had exchanged with John Musser for lands on the Delaware.

Still confined, and in a miserable way with my swelled knee.

September 5th. — Worse. Confined mostly to bed. Visited by sundry gentlemen. Scott, Heister, Fitzsimons called in the evening. The Susquehanna, Potomac, and Delaware in every mouth. I find Mr. Wynkoop has revived his hopes of the Delaware. He said, "If we lose the Susquehanna, then it will be fixed at the Delaware." I looked hard at him, and asked if he had seen Mr. Morris. He answered "No," hesitatingly. I find by several hints this day that there is some new scheme on foot.

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Mr. Wynkoop urged me so incessantly about a doctor that I unfortunately said yes. He asked who I knew. I said Dr. Treat. He was gone in a moment, and soon after Treat and Rodgers called, very well dressed. The sole point I wished them to attend to was my left knee. I could hardly get them to look at it. They said it was immaterial. Aren't you a good hand at taking medicine? No (faintly). You are all over indisposed; you must undergo a course of physic; you must take a course of antimonials to alter your blood. A vomit, said the other, to clean your stomach. I begged leave to observe that I was well circumstanced in my body, both as to urine and blood; had not a high fever. My knee, gentlemen; my knee. And I showed it to them, flayed as it was with blistering. Here is my great pain. "Poultice it with Indian mush, and we will send you some stuff to put on file poultice; and the antimonial wine, etc.; the drops and the laudanum," etc. They seemed to me like storekeepers, with their country customers; won't you take this, and this? You must take this, and this, etc.

September 6th. — Very ill, and close confined. Izard called to see me. The moment I saw him I understood that he came on a scrutinizing errand. I made no mystery of anything I knew; told him that the certain effect of any new scheme in the Yorkers or New England men would most infallibly place us at the Potomac. He repeatedly mentioned a new scheme being on foot, but I could not learn what it was. Mr. Morris is in close connection with the Yorkers, and communicates everything to them. Mr. Clymer called on me. He spoke highly in favor of the Susquehanna as being the most favorable position in the State for the benefit of Pennsylvania; blamed Mr. Morris much; said he would yet ruin all. In the evening the Speaker called. He speaks more confidently of the Susquehanna than any of them. I told him I did not like the adjournment when the question was ready to be put yesterday. He endeavored to account for this, but I think it bids ill.

The doctor's stuff on the blister spoiled all. It stopped the discharge, and I was much worse. They called to persuade me to take the antimony etc.

{150}

September 7th, Monday. — I am still very ill. This day was the trial of shift, evasion, and subterfuge in the House of Representatives; but the Susquehanna vote was carried by a majority. of seven, and Ames, Lawrence, and Clymer appointed a committee to bring in a bill.

Close confined, and very ill. Unable to get information, or to minute it down if I had it. I am still ill. This day the doctors called and vexed me again.

[September], Tuesday 8th. — Still close confined, and in very bad health. The Speaker called and gave us an anecdote of Mr. Madison, which seems to discover some traits of the less amiable in his character. While the salary of the Governor of the Western Territory [General St. Clair] was before the House, in the first stage of the business, Madison had supported it at twenty-five hundred dollars. But during the Susquehanna debate, Mr. Clymer, seeing Governor St. Clair in the gallery, addressed a note to him for information. The Governor sent back an answer in writing which contradicted the position of the friends of the Potomac. This day Madison moved a reduction of five hundred dollars from his salary.

The doctors did not call to-day, and it seems like delivering me from half of my misery.

Wednesday, Thursday, Friday, and Saturday confined, but find myself much better, and now begin to think confidently of seeing my family in health on my part. The relief which I have experienced has been from the application of blisters and cupping. This week has been one of hard jockeying between the Senate and House of Representatives. The Senate insisted, and adhered, too, for a mark of superiority in their pay. It was a trial who should hold out longest. The House of Representatives gave way, more especially after the Senators told them that if you want your pay send us a bill for yourselves and we will pass it. I really wonder, in the temper the House is in, that they had not done it; but they were aware that the majority of the Senate would fly from this proposal, as I believe many of them need money as much as any of the Representatives can do. It was a trial of skill in the way of starvation, and the dignity or precedence, or call it what you will, which could not be gained from the understanding {151} of the House of Representatives, was extorted from their purses.

I have been visited this week by all the Pennsylvanians and by Dr. Elmer and Mr. Wyngate of the Senate. I will venture but one remark on the business of the permanent residence. It will, however, be rather a series of remarks. Neither New England men nor Yorkers are sincere about moving from this place, and they firmly believe the whole will end in vapor. Mr. Morris is to destroy the Susquehanna scheme in the Senate, if not sooner, in order to bring forward the Delaware. This he will do, with small assistance from the Yorkers, by engaging the Senators of Jersey and Delaware; and, this being done, the Delaware destroys itself, for the New England men fall to pieces, their engagements having been only for the Susquehanna. These arts are likely enough to succeed.

[September] 13th, Sunday. — Wrote my letters for home. Sat up a good deal, and found myself much better. In the evening Mr. Morris, Mr. Clymer, and Mr. Fitzsimons called on me. I thought that the Susquehanna had not got justice done in the arguments; spoke long on this subject to possess them of my ideas of it. All the talk and speculation about the Western country is visionary. Nothing will come on to the Atlantic rivers from the Western waters. If it should, the Susquehanna has the advantage in the double connection by Juniata and the West Branch. I was listened to throughout with apathy, however.

[September 14th], Monday. — About twelve Mr. Clymer called in; said he had a letter from Reading Howell, with important information. He read a part of it, and desired I would draw up the thoughts I had expressed last night, that a publication might be prepared against the time of taking up the bill. Dr. Johnson and Mr. Carrol, of Carrolton, called while he was in, and interrupted us a little. He stayed a moment after them, and said he would call early to-morrow morning, that we might settle on something for publication. I expressed plainly to him the same thoughts which I minuted on Saturday; but he said Mr. Morris was now contented. I was so unwell that I had to go to bed; and here, learning on my elbow, I arranged something, but was greatly at a loss for {152} maps and for the distances on the Susquehanna and Potomac, beginning at tide-water, to Fort Pitt. I sent Mr. Wynkoop to call on Mr. Smith, of Maryland, for them. [He] was abroad. I sent a note to Mr. Smith, begging that he would call on me with them, but he did not; so that what I composed was with blanks.

Tuesday, 15th. — Between ten and eleven Mr. Clymer, Mr. Fitzsimons, and Governor St. Clair called. I read what I had prepared, and it seemed to give satisfaction, but I took notes of sundry matters from them to be inserted. The blanks were, however, still open. They promised to furnish these distances from Mr. Ames. This was done after I had finished the composition, and the putting them in could not be done but clumsily. I hastened to get over the business, expecting they would call soon, but night came without my hearing from them. I can not go out, and there is a listlessness in all our Pennsylvanians on this subject. I can think of many things which I would have done could I go about, which must now remain undone.

Wednesday, 16th. — To-morrow the bill for the permanent residence is to be taken up, and yet all is quiet on our part. Mr. Wynkoop told me he had walked a long time opposite Trinity Church with Mr. Clymer and Mr. Fitzsimons, and that they had spoken of me, and nothing more. He offered to do anything. I thought of Hartley. He is active, and will be in earnest. Mr. Wynkoop went for him. He came, and I put the paper in his hands. Mr. Wynkoop returned before the House met; told me Child was to print it, and they would send the proof-sheet to me for correction.

About two o'clock Mr. Morris, Mr. King, and Mr. Butler called on me. The talk was only about the judiciary. Mr. Morris said he had followed Elsworth in everything; if it was wrong, he would blame Elsworth. King said he had never had an opportunity of judging of it. I censured it as freely as ever.

There was a meeting of the Pennsylvania delegation this evening to regulate their conduct respecting the part they would act about the opening of the Susquehanna. They agreed to wait on Smith and Seney in the morning. I had begged Mr. {153} Wynkoop that they should get the proof-sheet and correct it; but it is likely they would not send for it. The printer's boy, however, called on me and I corrected it. I can find that Germantown is the place that is to be played against the Susquehanna. I had hopes this opposition was dropped. I believe they are not as active as some days ago, but lie by fully bent to take all advantages. We will see what they will do. But I have laid it down as the only sure ground to adhere to the Susquehanna.

Thursday, 17th. — Some people are so hardy as to deny that the Susquehanna affords any navigation at all. Boudinot is one of them. It really would be of service to him if he could be made to blush. I wrote to Mr. Burrell to furnish an extract of the stores forwarded on the Susquehanna in the year 1779, and the usual load of a river boat. Mr. Wynkoop went to him with the letter. He said he would do what he could, but rather excused himself. I sent some information to Mr. Ames by Mr. Wynkoop, and now we must see what they will do.

The day is rainy and nobody has called. About dark Parson Lynn came in. Joy was in his countenance. He told me the Maryland condition was carried, and, of course, there would be schism among the Pennsylvanians; that Mr. Gerry had moved for the Falls of the Delaware instead of the Susquehanna. The whole of what he said convinced me that I was not in the least mistaken as to the measures they were carrying on. The Pennsylvanians will divide; the New England men and Yorkers both will come off with apparent honor, and Congress remain where it is. Late at night in comes Mr. Wynkoop, in higher spirits than ever I saw him. "It's all over with the Susquehanna. We must vote against it now. I have just come from Clymer and Fitzsimons's lodgings; they are of the same opinion; and now for the Falls of the Delaware. The Marylanders have carried a clause that Pennsylvania and Maryland shall consent, to the satisfaction of the resident, that the navigation of the Susquehanna shall be cleared, but not at their expense. We will never consent to lay our State under any restrictions." The only reply I made was: "So, then, rather than consent that the navigation of the Susquehanna {154} should be open, you will drive Congress away from its banks. This is the point of view in which it will be considered, and in which you must expect to answer for it."

[September] 18th. — I wished to see some of our Pennsylvanians. Clymer and Fitzsimons had called a meeting last night in order to make them change their ground and vote for the Falls of the Delaware. This was the intention of the meeting, from what Wynkoop clearly enough expressed. I wrote a note to Hartley, but he came in just as I was sealing it. He was in a high rage at the Philadelphians, and declared they had been insincere from the beginning. He seemed to want my opinion. I gave it freely; to adhere firmly to the ground that had been taken, and support the bill at all events. I had written a note to the Speaker but he came in immediately after I had sent it away. He seemed clearly in sentiment with Hartley, and gave substantial reasons for it. He said an absolute agreement had been made between the Pennsylvanians on one part, and Smith and Seney, of Maryland, on the other, that the Maryland condition should not be "Pennsylvania would throw no impediment in the way of clearing the Susquehanna." This gave entire satisfaction to Smith and Seney; was to have been brought forward by the friends of the Susquehanna, and Smith and Seney by voting for it would have carried this and rejected the other Maryland condition.

But Mr. Fitzsimons broke the agreement and flew off yesterday morning. This, of course, fixed Smith and Seney to the exceptionable condition which was carried by means of their votes, So that it seems as if Mr: Fitzsimons wished some vote to be carried that would furnish him and others with a pretext for breaking off from the Susquehanna; for they could have prevented this Maryland condition if they had chosen so to do. He further said that his partner in Philadelphia mixes with all classes of people; that the common people were well satisfied with Congress being on the Susquehanna; but of late he could hear among the leading men about the bank, etc., many opinions and predictions that it never would be on the Susquehanna, etc. I think it no unfair conclusion to say that Philadelphia spite hath done this, although it be the act of but a few individuals in that place. I can now {155} clearly account for the listlessness and apathy of some persons respecting the Susquehanna. Indeed, it is questionable whether the late application to me was anything more than a blind to cover their intended defection.

By this and yesterday's papers France seems travailing in the birth of freedom. Her throes and pangs of labor are violent. God give her a happy delivery! Royalty, nobility, and vile pageantry, by which a few of the human race lord it over and tread on the necks of their fellow-mortals, seem likely to be demolished with their kindred Bastile, which is said to be laid in ashes. Ye gods, with what indignation do I review the late attempt of some creatures among us to revive the vile machinery! 0 Adams, Adams, what a wretch art thou!

This evening the Speaker called. He repeated the whole of what he had told me in the morning in the presence of Mr. Wynkoop. Said he did not know what to make of men who agreed to a thing overnight and denied it in the morning. Fitzsimons and Clymer were tired of the Susquehanna, etc.

September 19th. — This morning Colonel Hartley's son called on me with a note and showed the copy of a letter which the Colonel had written to Clymer and Fitzsimons. He called on them for an adherence to their former tenor of conduct respecting the Susquehanna, and plainly declared that their defection now would be considered as a proof of their insincerity from the beginning. I am unwilling there should be any schism among the Pennsylvania Representatives. Perhaps this letter may lay the foundation of it. Perhaps it may have the contrary effect at the present moment. It is, however, done without the advice of any person, and we are left to attend to the event. I have wished much to have seen Clymer and Fitzsimons for some days past. I dropped distant hints of this often to Mr. Wynkoop. This had no effect; I could not justify myself in sending for them. However, I know not if I could have any influence with them, and I know that Wynkoop carries faithfully every word which I say to them. Dr. Franklin says, "The world will do its own business." I must let it do. so on this occasion, for my lame knees will not let me help it. Mr. Wynkoop left the House, came home, and went on a party of pleasure.

{156}

Had a note from Colonel Hartley. The permanent [residence] business is put off until Wednesday next on account of the indisposition of some of the members. The House, by a joint resolution with the Senate, are to break up on Tuesday. Appointing Wednesday [for the permanent residence business] seems like the oblivion committee in the British Parliament on the American petitions before the Revolution. But we will see what will come of it.*

[* Hartley was mistaken when he wrote this note.]

In the evening Mr. Dalton called to see me. Soon after Mr. Morris and Mr. Fitzsimons came in. Soon after Mr. Scott and Parson Lynn. The Parson went away. Mr. Dalton went away. Mr. Scott said: "What shall we do with the residence? I believe we must vote for it." "I don't know," said Fitzsimons, "if the condition had only been that we should not prevent the clearing of the Sesquehanna, I should not have cared." Scott said, "In fact, it amounts to no more now." "I don't know," said Fitzsimons. Mr. Morris said abruptly: "The contract is broken; we were to have this thing free of any condition. I have, however, a letter from Peters on this subject." He got out the letter, but did not read it. Mr. Scott was on his feet and went away. The others soon followed.

When Mr. Morris talked of the contract being broke, I asked: "Have any of the Eastern people given way? Have any of them voted against the Susquehanna?" Mr. Fitzsimons said none. I can readily guess what Mr. Morris means by saying the contract is broken. Need his vote be expected?

September 20th. — Being Sunday, I wrote letters to my family. The day was fine. I got a hackney-coach and rode out about an hour and a half; felt the worse for it. Perhaps it was only the fatigue. Colonel Hartley called in the morning; says the business of the permanent residence will come on tomorrow. Mr. Wyngate and General Irwin called to see me. Mr. Wyngate went yesterday evening to Newark; came home late. He soon asked me, "What news of the Federal residence?" I had no news on the subject. He talked himself a good deal on the subject. I thought I could clearly gather {157} from what he said that the effort would be to throw off the whole business for this session, for, from what I can learn, they are not able to engage the New England men for the Delaware; therefore, postpone and wait for the chapter of chances.

Monday, 21st. — Dressed myself; weak and languid, but went to the Hall. Thought I would not be able to stay long, but when the business began I seemed amused and grew better. I stayed it out until after three o'clock. The judges' salaries were taken up. That of the Chief-Justice had been settled before at four thousand dollars; that of the puisne judges was put at three thousand dollars. Mr. Morris moved for five hundred dollars more, seconded by Izard; a division — nine to nine.

The Vice-President had to give the casting vote, and had the yeas and nays called on him. He, however, made a speech: "Somebody had said judges could be had for less. That people must be abandoned and forsaken by God who could speak of buying a judge as you would a horse. Judges should portion their children, bring them up, provide for them, etc. Many families in New England had suffered by the head of it being a judge." Motions were made for increasing everything almost. None, however, carried until they came to the Attorney-General. Mr. Morris moved it should be two thousand dollars. King seconded. A division — nine and nine; and the Vice-President voted for it. Wyngate called for the yeas and nays. Adams looked pitiful; said he would be made the scapegoat for everything. A member got up to have the yeas and nays retracted. Grayson, who had been with us before, spoke against having them now. So they were not called. The House of Representatives threw out this amendment, and it was reduced to fifteen hundred dollars.

Hartley called me out to tell me that the Susquehanna bill was carried [in the House of Representatives]. Mr. Morris was all day calling out members. Grayson, Gunn, King, Read, and Butler were some of them that I saw him take aside. The citizens and Wynkoop dared not vote against it. It would have had no effect if they had. Mr. Morris, being a six-years man, considers himself as independent, and he is to {158} destroy it in the Senate. The others think to escape censure by this shift. But we know them. When I consider how agreeable it will be to the Eastern members and to the Yorkers to destroy all this business, I really fear Mr. Morris. It is so easy persuading men to do what they wish for. We must, however, wait the event.

September 22d. — Dressed and went to the Hall. Resolution came up from the other House rescinding the resolution of adjournment on this day and for adjourning on Saturday. Concurred. Bill for the permanent residence read the first time. Butler moved to postpone till next session. Seconded by Grayson. Lee, Butler, and Grayson spent about an hour. They had only Izard and Gunn to join them on this business — five in all. From hence, I think, we may prognosticate that the bill will pass in some shape or other. Mr. Morris in the deepest chagrin. Did not speak to me in the morning. Left his usual seat to avoid me. First went and sat beside Mr. Dalton, then rose and took out Mr. Read, came in again and went and took a seat beside Grayson; Bland balled out Grayson; Mr. Morris followed; came in again and went and took a seat beside Elsworth. Never spoke until we were coming out of the Senate chamber. He then asked if I continued to grow better. I answered in the affirmative, but he could not talk to me.

I met Governor St. Clair at the Hall. If I had no better clew, I could tell how the Philadelphians stood by him. He was all full of doubts; the bill would never do; the President would never act on it; the river might not admit of navigation, etc. The bill, however, passed, thirty-one to seventeen, in the House of Representatives. Wynkoop can not sit with me this evening; he is chatting down-stairs. Mr. Lynn called; told me the design of the Virginians and the Carolina gentlemen was to talk away the time, so that we could not get the bill passed.

September 23d. — Went to the Hall early. Mr. Carrol came in; told me Mr. Morris was against the bill and wanted to bring forward "Germantown" and the "Falls of the Delaware." The Senate met, and every endeavor was made to waste time. Lee, Butler, Grayson, refused to go on with the business, as Gunn was absent. Gunn came, and then they wanted to go {159} and see the balloon let off. But at last the bill was read over. I was called out. There was Mr. Morris, Mr. Fitzsimons, and Colonel Hartley. Fitzsimons began telling me what the Pennsylvanians had agreed to do. First, strike out the proviso clause. If this could be done, then agree to the bill; but if this could not be done, then abandon the Susquehanna and try for the Falls of the Delaware and Germantown. As he stated it to me, I understood that all the Pennsylvanians but myself had agreed to this. I told him it was a late moment to call on me when the bill had actually been read over and the first clause taken up; that the proviso had nothing so terrible in it as to make me abandon the bill rather than consent to it; that I saw no safety in anything but adhering to the bill, and if we lost the bill we must go on to the Potomac.

Mr. Morris raged out something against the proviso, as to the advantage the State would lose by such a proviso being adopted, and concluded with a tremendous oath, "By God, I never will vote for the bill unless the proviso is thrown out!" I said, slowly, he would act as he pleased. He knows as well as I do that the Senate never will reject the proviso. Fitzsimons and Morris, however, said, "Let us call King out." King came. Fitzsimons said, "The Pennsylvania delegates were against the proviso, and in case the proviso was continued, five were for trying the Falls of the Delaware and Germantown." Colonel Hartley corrected him and told him "only four." As I had nothing to do with their bargain, I turned on my heel and left them. I thought it strange conduct of our delegates, after they had all voted for the bill, to be making such offers. If the proviso is struck out, the two Marylanders will vote against us. If in, Mr. Morris has sworn he will vote against it. I have expected nothing else of him for some time.

Mr. Morris moved that the first and second clauses should be postponed, so as to come at the proviso. This brought on a lengthy debate. Butler was severe on Mr. Morris. Said his views were totally local. "Let us keep the Federal town on the Susquehanna, and let there be no navigation out of it, and then you must come to Philadelphia. But, rather than have the Susquehanna opened, which will take some of our trade away, we will not let you put the Federal town there." Morris {160} replied with apparent heat. The other retorted. Grayson and Lee were both up. Izard was up, and long speeches were made. The question was, however, put and carried. And now Mr. Morris moved to strike out the proviso. I forgot who seconded him. The reason he gave was that the State of Pennsylvania had a bargain on hand with Maryland about this matter, and commissioners were appointed to negotiate it. Pennsylvania would suffer the Susquehanna to be opened if Maryland would suffer a canal to be dug between the bays of Chesapeake and Delaware; that he would be betraying the interest of the State in so eminent a degree that he dared not go home to Pennsylvania if such a clause was in the bill. I hinted to Mr. Morris that the last law for clearing the Susquehanna had no condition; but he answered the Marylanders thought it had. It was now that the most unbounded abuse was thrown on the State of Pennsylvania. Lee, Grayson, Butler, and Izard struggled who should be up to rail at the Government.

Mr. Carrol got up and answered Mr. Morris mildly. I whipped out and sent for Colonel Hartley, and got from him the late law for clearing the Susquehanna. So great was the rage for speaking that I could scarce get a word said. I endeavored to be up first on the sitting down of Butler, but Lee was up with me. I begged for indulgence, as I had information to give which I thought very material. I stated the importance of the question, and declared it my duty to give all the information in my power; that the State of Pennsylvania deserved none of the illiberal abuse that had been bestowed on it; that no such design as shutting up the Susquehanna could be charged on the Government. I then read several clauses of the act declaring the Susquehanna and its branches highways to the Maryland line. I declared I did not think there was a single Pennsylvanian of character that could be so base as to wish the shutting up the mouth of that river; that for my part I considered the proviso as harmless, and if it tended to give satisfaction to the public at large or any individuals I had no objection to it; that I thought the business on the part of Pennsylvania done already; but if any more was wanted, I had no doubt of their doing it. I could for my part apprehend no {161} danger from the proviso. Much, it was said, was put by it in the President's power; but he had Iris honor to support. I was convinced he would neither traffic with his own character nor the public expectation; and I was convinced no defect would be experienced on the part of the State of Pennsylvania.

The rage for speaking did not subside, but it took a different turn. Mr. Morris said he did not know of that law. The question, however, was put, and five only rose for rejecting the proviso — Morris, King, Schuyler, Johnson, and Dalton. There was now a cry for adjournment to see the balloon, and the Senate rose.

Mr. Clymer called about eight o'clock. Began to speak against the Susquehanna. Said there was an old interest and a new interest starting up to destroy it in Pennsylvania, by sending the trade into the new interest; that he would not for a thousand guineas the law would pass; that the old commercial interest had nourished Philadelphia; it was an ornament to the State. He seemed willing to persuade me that I should vote against the bill. I asked him how he thought it would look for me to vote against it when they had all voted for it on Monday last? He said he was induced to do so, expecting a change in the Senate; that he would not for half his estate he had done so; that he was duped into it. I told him that was not my ease, for I had followed my judgment hitherto, and would continue to do so; that if we changed our ground in the Senate, and could insert any other place than the Susquehanna, we lost our hold of the Eastern people, and the whole fell to the ground, agreeable to what I had told him on Monday week, and that at the next session Virginia would come forward with five members from North Carolina, and be joined by two or three from Pennsylvania, and we should infallibly go to the Potomac — and, for my part, I would rather stay on the Susquehanna. He declared for his part he would not.

Mr. Clymer used to extol the advantages of the Susquehanna, and declared, as he sat at my bedside about a fortnight ago, that no position in Pennsylvania was equal to the Susquehanna. All this change has taken place since General Irwin came to town and declared there was a contract on foot for clearing {162} the Conewago Falls for four thousand pounds. Now what am I to think of the citizens of Philadelphia and some others of the Pennsylvania delegation? Can I help concluding, on the most undeniable data, as. well from what I have heard from circumstances and their own declarations, that they ever have been opposed to the Susquehanna, and voted for it purely to save their popularity in the State, and trusted to Morris, who is a six-years man, and who on all occasions despises the voice of the people, to destroy the bill in the Senate? Have I a name for such conduct? Thus barefacedly to drive away Congress from the State, rather than a few barrels of flour shall pass by the Philadelphia market in descending the Susquehanna, and rather than the inhabitants of this river should enjoy the natural advantages of opening the navigation of it! I think it probable these arts will prevail.

September 24th. — This day marked the perfidy of Mr. Morris in the most glaring colors. Notwithstanding his engagement entered into at the City Tavern, notwithstanding Iris promises repeated in many companies afterward, he openly voted against the Susquehanna. King, Schuyler, and all the New England men except Dr. Johnson, voted against it. Mr. Morris' vote alone would have fixed us on the Susquehanna forever. The affair has taken the very turn I predicted. Our ruin is plotted, contrived, and carried on in conjunction with file Yorkers. I gave an account of the center of population being in Pennsylvania the center of wealth and the geographical center. Went at large into all the detail of the Potomac and the Susquehanna. When the Potomac was voted for, I was long on my legs — or I shall say my knees — and they grew weary. We easily threw out the Potomac, but I well knew all this was in vain.

This whole morning and for half an hour after the Senate met, the York Senators and Representatives were in the committee room, and Mr. Morris running backward and forward, like a boy, taking out one Senator after another to them, and Adams delaying business for them. No business was ever treated with more barefaced partiality. Mr. Morris moved that the words "at some convenient place on the banks of the Susquehanna," etc., should be struck out, and that it might remain {163} a blank for any gentleman that pleased to name a place. I objected to this as unfair, for by this means the banks of the Susquehanna would be thrown out, when in fact that place might have more friends than any other individual place, for all those who wished a different place would unite on this vote, however different their views might otherwise be; and thus the place rejected in the first instance would be laid under an unfavorable impression; that I saw no reason to deviate from the common mode, which had always been to move to strike out certain words in order to insert certain other words, and thus men would plainly see their way clear and the intention of the mover.

Mr. Adams answered me from the chair — said it was all fair. It was in vain to argue. The question was put, and seven only rose. Up got Mr. Morris; said the question was not understood,. and began his explanations. He said he had often wished to explain himself on the subject of the residence, but was always prevented; that Pennsylvania was averse to the Susquehanna and would give one hundred thousand dollars to place it at Germantown. I rose to the point of order; declared that no motion or application for reconsideration could be received from a member "in the minority." Quoted parliamentary practice and appealed to the Chair. Mr. Adams now made one of his speeches. Unfortunately, it seems none of our rules reached the point. New matter had been alleged in argument, etc. It was in vain that I alleged that no business ever could have a decision if minority members were permitted to move reconsiderations under every pretense of new argument. Adams gave it against me.

Mr. Morris now assumed a bolder tone; flamed away in favor of Germantown; repeated his offers in the name of the State, etc. I declared I considered myself to enjoy the confidence of Pennsylvania in as unlimited a manner as my honorable colleague; that I firmly believed the general sense of the State was more in favor of the Susquehanna than Germantown, and that, if money was to be given, the Susquehanna was most likely to obtain it. I, however, denied that any State money was appropriated to any such purpose, and called on my colleague to produce the authority on which he made {164} the offer. He now came forward, the great man and the merchant — pledged himself that, if tire State would not, he would find the money.

A vacant stare, on this, seemed to occupy the faces of the Senate. But the New England men helped him out. It was proposed that the validity of the law should depend on the payment of the money, and that a clause for this purpose should now be inserted in the bill. And to work some of them went in fabricating such a clause. Mr. Morris had not yet been regularly seconded; but I began to see when it was too late that I had committed a mistake in not appealing to the House from the decision of the Chair.

Bassett got up and recanted; said he had not understood the question. This is usual with him. This man has repeatedly, of his own accord, told me that the Susquehanna was the only proper place. It was in vain that we urged that the question was fairly put. A reconsideration was called for. There is really such a thing as worrying weak or indifferent men into a vote. Urging that the matter had not been sufficiently explained and understood, how fair and inoffensive the measure, etc. — all these arts were played off with the utmost address on this occasion, and the weight of John Adams succeeded. It was reconsidered, and eleven voted for this "fair and inoffensive" measure.

In a moment, by way of fixing themselves against the Susquehanna, although it was still called, we will take a vote on the Susquehanna. The yeas and nays were called. And now Grayson and Lee moved for file Potomac. They had moved for striking out the word Pennsylvania so as to leave the whole banks of the Susquehanna open, and lost it. Now a most lengthy debate, in which I supported the Susquehanna; but it is too much to insert what I said. The Potomac lost it, and the blank now remained. Mr. Butler now rose and moved to fill the blank with the words "banks of Susquehanna," etc., the same words which had been struck out. I seconded the motion. Up got Mr. Morris and opposed this with warmth. He allowed that there might be a question taken on the Susquehanna, but he would have a vote taken on his place first. Butler insisted that, as his motion was fairly before the House {165} and seconded, it must be disposed of. Morris replied without any reason on his side, indeed; but he had no need of reason when he had votes enough at hand. King got up and said he had no objection to a vote being taken on the Susquehanna, but it ought to be the last place. However, for the sake of order, they had to move a postponement of the motion on the Susquehanna. The postponement was carried.

Mr. Morris then came forward with an amendment for locating, ten miles square, adjoining the city of Philadelphia, in the counties of Philadelphia, Chester, and Bucks, including Germantown, with a proviso that the act should not be in force until one hundred thousand dollars should be scented to the United States by Pennsylvania, etc. I could not abandon the Susquehanna, at any rate in the present stage of the business; but for me to enter into a proviso which would operate as an engagement on the State without the least authority for so doing, appeared to me highly improper. I, therefore, under every view of the matter, concluded in a moment to vote against the motion.

The Susquehanna bill placed the Federal town in the heart of Pennsylvania, provided for purchasing the land, erecting buildings, etc., without one farthing expense to the State, to say nothing of the most important object of clearing the Susquehanna, which would be done by Federal and Maryland money, in ease of Congress being placed on its banks. I therefore reserved my vote for the Susquehanna. The House divided on Mr. Morris' motion — nine and nine. The President rose to give the casting vote. He spoke well of the Potomac (to gratify the Virginians), slightly of the Susquehanna (which had but few friends), highly of Philadelphia and New York, in each of which places, he said, Congress ought to stay alternately four years at a time; said if the question were to reject the whole business, he could have no doubt, but, as Pennsylvania had offered the money, he would vote for Germantown. Thus fell our hopes. This unwarranted offer of money knocked down the Susquehanna. It was now near four o'clock, and all adjournment was called for and took place.

September 25th. — A good deal unwell, but attended the {166} Hall. The Secretary had omitted the first question on the striking out of the Susquehanna and the reconsideration. He, however, corrected it himself afterward, with the leave of the House. The affair of one Brown Glassbrock, took up some time, but was postponed. Carrol now moved to strike out the residence being in New York until the Federal building should be erected. I determined to leave myself free from any obligation to stay in New York, and voted with him, more especially as I was free from all obligation whatever. Mr. Morris now began to dress the bill, but seemed slack about the one hundred thousand dollars. He was called on from the Chair, however, and sundry parts of the House to bring it forward. I was very unwell, and left him to dress his own child as he pleased, and came home.

This evening Mr. Scott called to see me. He said Mr. Morris, Mr. Clymer, and Mr. Fitzsimons assured him that the Yorkers and the New England men would pass the bill, and that the Pennsylvanians, Mr. Clymer and Mr. Fitzsimons had promised that Congress should stay three years in New York. Mr. Wynkoop then said that they had made such a bargain. I told them that was the first account I had heard of the matter. I expressed my doubts of their sincerity. Wynkoop was sure of them, and that he could depend on them, etc.

September 26th. — Very unwell this day, but dressed and went to the Hall. Sat some time. The Appropriation bill was taken up. And now Colonel Schuyler brought forward an account of eight thousand dollars expended by Mr. Osgood in repairing and furnishing at the house which the President lives in. This was a great surprise to me, for, although a vote had originated in the House of Representatives for furnishing the house, yet I considered that allowance for all this had been made in the President's salary. I was, however, taken so unwell that I had to come home.

When I first went into the Senate chamber this morning, the Vice-President, Elsworth, and Ames stood together, railing against the vote of adherence in the House of Representatives on throwing out the words "the President" in the beginning of the Federal writs. I really thought them wrong, but, as they seemed very opinionated, I did not contradict them. {167} This is only a part of their old system of giving the President as far as possible every appendage of royalty. The original reason of the English writs running in the King's name was his being personally in court, and English jurisprudence still supposes him to be so. But with us it seems rather confounding the executive and judicial branches. Ames left them, and they seemed rather to advance afterward. Said the President, personally, was not the subject to any process whatever; could have no action whatever brought against him; was above the power of all judges, justices, etc. For what, said they, would you put it in the power of a common justice to exercise any authority over him and stop the whole machine of Government? I said that, although President, he is not above the laws. Both of them declared you could only impeach him, and no other process whatever lay against him.

I put the case: "Suppose the President committed murder in the street. Impeach him? But you can only remove him from office on impeachment. Why, when he is no longer President you can indict him. But in the mean time he runs away. But I will put up another case. Suppose he continues his murders daily, and neither House is sitting to impeach him. Oh, the people would rise and restrain him. Very well, you will allow the mob to do what legal justice must abstain from." Mr. Adams said I was arguing from cases nearly impossible. There had been some hundreds of crowned heads within these two centuries in Europe, and there was no instance of any of them having committed murder. Very true, in the retail way, Charles IX of France excepted. They generally do these things on a great scale. I am, however, certainly within the bounds of possibility, though it may be improbable. General Schuyler joined us. "What think you, General?" said I, by way of giving the matter a different turn. "I am not a good civilian, but I think the President a kind of sacred person." Bravo, my "jure divino" man! Not a word of the above is worth minuting, but it shows clearly how amazingly fond of the old leaven many people are. I needed no index, however, of this kind with respect to John Adams.

September 27th. — Being Sunday and a very stormy day, I stayed at home all day. Did nothing but write letters to my {168} family. Exceedingly tired of this place, but the day of my departure draws nigh, and I am much better than I have been, and hope I shall be able to travel well enough. Saw no person whatever save Mr. Wynkoop, who returned from an excursion he made over the river.

September 28th. — Felt pretty well in the morning. Dressed and went to the Hall; sat a little while, but had to get up and walk in the machinery-room. Viewed the pendulum mill — a model of which stands there. It really seems adapted to do business. Returned and sat awhile with the Senate, but retired and came home to my lodgings. Sincerely hope an adjournment will take place to-morrow. The pay list is making out, which seems likely to finish the business. Left the old acts of Congress, in thirteen volumes, with Mr. Vandalsen, and one small writing-desk.

Mr. Wynkoop came in in the highest joy. All was well. Germantown — happy Germantown — has got the Congress! He ravished up his dinner, got his trunk and boots, and away with him to tell the glorious news. I can not help having a despicable opinion of this man. It would not be easy to find a more useless member. He never speaks, never acts in Congress, but implicitly follows the two city members. He does not seem formed to act alone even in the most trifling affair. Well it is for him that he is not a woman and handsome, or every fellow would debauch him.

I have just been thinking how impossible it is for the Yorkers to be so blind as to let Congress go away in the manner Wynkoop says they have done. If the lower House have really passed the bill, the Yorkers have no resource but in the President. I am greatly surprised at this day's work. I have opened the book and taken up my pen to wipe away all the surprise above mentioned. Parson Lynn has just told me that some trifling amendment was tacked to the bill, just sufficient to send it up to the Senate, and the Senate have thrown it out; and with the consent of the Philadelphians, too, I suppose.

Just as I was leaving the Hall, Izard took me aside, asked me to stay; said a trifling amendment will be made in the lower House, just enough to bring it up here, and we will throw it out. I told him I wished ,nothing so much as to see {169} an end of the business. I was not able to attend, but, if I was, could not be with him on this question. Well, then you must not tell Morris of this. I was just going away, and said I will not.

[September] 29th. — Came to the Hall. Saw Mr. Morris. I did not envy him his feelings. I might be mistaken, but he looked as if he feared me. I determined not to say a word to him save the salutation of good-morning, which passed mutually between us. To praise his management was impossible, and I really felt such contempt for his conduct as placed me far above the thoughts of any reproaches. He came to me after some time and desired me to walk into the committee-room. He there told me that Grayson would be absent on account of his health; that Dr. Johnson had said he would be absent, and now let us play the Yorkers a trick. Let us call a reconsideration, and perhaps we may carry it. I objected to that mode of doing business; and, besides, counted the votes and showed him that the attempt was vain, even if John Adams was in favor of the bill, which we well knew he was not. In the mean time, White and Dr. Johnson came in. By way of concluding the business of the tête-à-tête, I said there was no better method than leaving the business with a philosophic face. We returned to the Senate, and I have my doubts whether he meant anything more than an essay to talk me into good humor, on a supposition that I was soured at his conduct.

I could not sit in the Senate; came out and reclined as well as I could in the little committee-room. Elsworth came out in a little time. I asked him if the business was got through in the Senate. He said yes. I then went to the treasury, drew my pay, discharged my lodgings, took a place in the stage, and set off for Philadelphia.

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